The following I found to the father of Illicino,
Pietro Lapini da Montalcino:
Pietro Lapini da Montalcino era stato medico dell’anti-papa Giovanni XXIII, ossia del cardinale Cossa, ma deposto dal Concilio di Costanza nel 1415. Due anni dopo il Lapini si spostò al servizio di Filippo Maria, per il quale svolse missioni diplomatiche, ma per lo più rimase a Pavia dove insegnò nel locale Studio.
http://www.storiadimilano.it/Personaggi ... omaria.htm
Lapini had been the physician of the Anti-Pope John XXIII, who was abdicated in 1415 in Constance. After two years (should be 1417) Lapini appears in the service of Filippo Maria Visconti, by whom he is used for diplomatic missions (likely he had been till this time in Constance ?). After some time he appears as a teacher (likely for medical science ?) in Pavia in the "local studio" ...(= university ?).
Marziano (da Tortona) morì nel
1425, lasciando il suo pupillo a Pietro Lapini da Montalcino,
che era stato medico dell’anti-papa Giovanni XXIII, e che per
Filippo Maria svolse anche missioni diplomatiche, insegnando
a Pavia.
http://www.lauramalinverni.net/sforza.pdf
When
Marziano da Tortona died 1425, he left his "fosterling? fosterlings? nurse childs? pupils?" to Lapini ... the meaning of the sentence is not clear to me. Either Lapini got the charge of children of Martiano da Tortona himself, or Tortona had build a similar institution as Vittorio da Feltre in Mantova educating pupils in Pavia, or what?
This matter is rather important for Tarot History, as it indicates a strong relation between Martiano da Tortona and Lapini in the time of Martiano's death, and that's the probable time, when Martiano wrote his treatise, which one might call "the first Tarot book" - some years ago translated by Ross Caldwell ...
http://trionfi.com/0/b/11/
If we regard this moment and make a jump of ca. 50 years to the first Trionfi-poem commentary by Lapini's son Illicino 1471/74, we have a certain important relation between the two moments.
Il corso degli studi prevedeva numerosi insegnamenti tra cui uno dedicato all'astronomia/astrologia. I documenti ci tramandano i nomi di vari lettori di questa disciplina. Il primo è il senese Pietro Lapini che insegnò anche all'Università di Pavia e fu astrologo ufficiale di Filippo Maria Visconti. Di lui ci sono rimasti molti judicia, cioè previsioni ovvero oroscopi, uno dei quali relativo all'anno 1421 è riconducibile ad un insegnamento senese Footnote 7. Altri lettori di astrologia nel periodo considerato furono Domenico da Ragusa, Leonardo da Montichiello, Luciano Bellanti e Cristofano da Chianciano, quest'ultimo attivo anche nei primi decenni del secolo successivo.
Footnote 7
Nel XV secolo in tutte le università l'incarico di astrologia prevedeva anche la produzione di previsioni astrologiche generali per l'anno successivo, relative alle condizioni metereologiche, ai raccolti, alle malattie alla situazione politica. Cfr. Gianfranco Fioravanti, Le "arti liberali" nei secoli XIII-XV, in L'Università di Siena: 750 anni, p. 264 e Alcide Garosi, Alcune notizie e documenti su Pietro Lapini medico senese, «Rivista di storia delle scienze mediche e naturali», 25 (1934), p. 161-191.
http://www.cisui.unibo.it/annali/10/tes ... ameset.htm
According this Lapini worked as teacher at the university of Pavia and had been official astrologus of Filippo Maria Visconti, at least for some time. Some activity as astrologus is documented around 1421. More info about Lapini promises a 30-pages article
Alcune notizie e documenti su Pietro Lapini medico senese in «Rivista di storia delle scienze mediche e naturali», 25 (1934), p. 161-191. (This text seems to be from "Rivista di storia delle scienze mediche e naturali" (Siena, 1923-1956), compare:
http://www.imss.fi.it/biblio/irivista.html )
http://www.archivi.beniculturali.it/Bib ... /C2tom.pdf
Document p. 15
Mond Lucis, Mons Umbronis, Mons Lucinus,
Ilcinus, Monte Elcinus are names of the mountain, at which the city of Montalcino was build. The community is addressed
Ilcinensis Civitas and Civitas Icinea.
Document p. 17
Pietro Lapini is addressed as Pietro Lapini Mattematico
With this the mystery of the name Illicino should be clear ... it's not relating to the Spanish Monte Sacro. And Pietro Lapini gets a further profession, beside commentator and writer, physician and astrologus he also gets the title Mattematico.
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Who was Gentile Sermini, whose name, if I take the "G" from the first and all letters from the second without the first, so ERMINI, transmutes to the name
GERMINI , which, as we know, addressed the game of
Minchiate in 15th century.
In this context the following is of interest:
Novellae with a scheme based on 10
"Decamerone" was a famous text of 14th century, made by Giovanni Boccaccio, 100 stories told by 10 persons (10 for each person) during the plague 1348-50.
Franco Sacchetti (Florence) collected 300 stories, from which 222 survived.
Gentile Sermini wrote his Novellae after 1424 (I don't know, how they got to this), and it's said, that they were 40 (although in an older text I found, that it would have been 45), but the general tradition agrees, that it are 40. The stories circle - as in the Decamerone - around erotic situations in Siena
Masucchio was published in 1476 posthumus with his "Novellino with the help of Roberto Sanseverino, the famous condottieri, in the time, when the poet Luigi Pulci, having trouble espececially with Marsilio Ficino in Florence, had become his secretary. The number of the stories was 50, parted in 5 blocks of 10, identical to the scheme of Mantegna Tarocchi, which according Trionfi's theory was likely produced ca. 1475. The content of the stories was erotical in Decamerone style, playing in Naples.
It's easy to recognize, that 3 of them (100, 40, 50) have a preference for erotical stories and 4 of them a preference for mathematical orders based on 10 (100, 300, 40, 50) ... similar to the scheme, that we found also in the structure of playing card decks in the number cards.
The first note of Minchiate appears in 1466 in a letter of Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de Medici. Pulci had written the first part of his Morgante (funny knight story around the heroes of Charlemain) in 1461-1463 (15-16 chapters were ready against 28 of the final version, which was ready ca. 1482).
In this time Pulci had some educational function for the boys (and their friends) of Lucretia Tornabuoni, between them Lorenzo de Medici. The boys were too young then to be poets themselves, but some years later some of them developed own interests for literary activities (also Lorenzo). One of their favored topics were love stories in Siena connected to some mockery about the people in Siena (there was an old competition and hate and wars between Florence and Siena), this all around 1467.
It should be recognized, that they surely by this somehow reflected on the stories, which Gentile Sermini earlier had written, but attempted to turn it to something, which favored Florence against Siena.
Ahem ... the Minchiate, at least in the later state, as it has come to us, is based on 40 trumps and 40 number cards. At least from one poem (from the other Michelangelo, not the famous artist) it is known, that it it was connected to erotic. It was discussed here recently (in other words, I made a monolog about it) ...
viewtopic.php?f=11&t=420
... together with the observation, that Gherminella was an older expression for a betting game in Florence, noted as early as 1324 and 1415, and the game needed a small stick and two cords on top of it. According one of the 300 novellae of Franco Sacchetti (a Florentine) it was used by an early Florentine person with the name Gherminella to trick everybody.
Gentile Sermini of Siena ...
more or less nothing is known about this person, an indication, that it's a pseudonym of somebody else (naturally it's only an indication, not a guarantee, that it is a pseudonym), and considering the topics of the novellae it seems imaginable, that the author simply didn't love to be known with his name in the context.
Gentile means Italian for "friendly", and ...
Sermo means Latin for "conversation", and Sermini might be a pun on Sermo with the association "small talk"
and together Gentile Sermini might mean simply "friendly small talk", not a bad title for a text or a pseudonym for an author.
Latin-Italian language mix became later in the XVth century known as Maccaroni literature ... and Gemelli is a "twin noodle", a type of pasta similar in form to the two cords used in the Gherminella game. The Italian 15th century society accepted to address "funny literature" with noodle expressions.
So there are some indications, that the name Gentile Sermini is a consciously chosen pseudonym.
Contradicting to the pseudonym assumption is ...
One Tuscan source yet to be examined for such urban views of
mountain people is the story (novella) by the Sienese notary Gentile
Sermini written about the time of the plague of 1424. More than a
story, it is a primitive ethnography of the mountain people south of
Siena, probably Monte Amiata. To escape the plague, Sermini fled to
the supposedly more salubrious air of the mountains where he visited
an old friend, the village’s parish priest, Ser Cecco from the city of
Perugia. There Sermini lived with the villagers and described their
habits and manners. However, unlike the modern anthropologist (at
least in principle), he made no attempt to study these people in their
own terms, to shed the prejudices of his own culture. Part of Sermini’s
scorn for these people is that they knew nothing of the city and its
mores, and therefore talked, dressed, and acted in an uncivilised
manner. He mocks their speech and crude language and includes in his
novella an ode to the mountain villagers, which is a cacophony of
animal noises. He ends his treatment of each subject, be it mountain
hair style or cuisine, with the same refrain: ‘little separated these men
from the beasts they governed’. In fact, they became indistinguishable.
His mountain hosts were oily and unwashed; the stench of warmed feet
was enough to cause one to commit suicide or kill one’s brother.
Further fetid smells came out of their months from the disgusting,
bitter things they ate garlic, leeks, and radishes. Their hair was oily
and beards shorn only twice a year with ‘scissors for castrating [sheep]’,
which left them appearing like the billy goats they bred. They were
clothed badly, possessing only a single pair of worn-out underwear, and
shod even worse. Their hovels were dark, dirty, and oily, filled with the
fumes of their animals and the stench of human manure. These
highlanders were greedy and ready to cheat at every opportunity on the
halves they owed their landlords.
Some of the most striking passages of this account concern the
mountain villagers’ religious practices and attitudes, their fear of
crossing the threshold of the church, and when they did, their screams
of joy at particularly solemn points in the mass, and their anguish and
torment at the more celebratory moments. Their pounding of their
chests, yanking of their hair, hands shoved down their mouths, raised
arms and bellows and alienation from their parish priest suggests that
Christ may not have reached the mountains of fifteenth-century
Tuscany. Sermini concludes his account by lamenting that it would
have been better to have died in the 1424 plague in civilized Siena ‘than
to have died a thousand times every day’ with these beasts of the
mountains who had never seen a city.
http://www.arts.gla.ac.uk/scottishstudi ... 20cohn.pdf
... whose author assumes, that this part of the novallae is a realistic and "true" autobiographical statement
of the author. But the whole work are "novallae", so it's somehow realistic to assume some poetical freedom.
But he notes
Monte Amiata as the probable location of the adventure ... and that's
15 km from Montalcino. Sic.
http://maps.google.com/maps?f=d&source= ... 34589&z=10
I hope you got it.
Gentile Sermini might be the pseudonym of Pietro Lapini, father of the poet Illicino, who became the first Trionfi poem commentator in 1471, who was definitely acquainted with an Anselmo Salimbeni, who in 1459 got some printing utensils for Trionfi cards from duke Borso. The name "Anselmo Salimbeni", however, appears in as a literary figure in one of the Novellae of Gentile Sermini, and this specific Novelle appeared also with one of the author names of Illicino. In the Trionfi poem commentary Illicino, the son, refers variously to the work of his father (Pietro Lapini, possibly alias Gentile Sermini), who wrote a commentary to the Canzonieri from the the same Petrarca (who also wrote the Trionfi poem) ... so why he shouldn't have taken one of the Novellae of his father?
Pietro Lapini (= Gentile Sermini ?) on the other hand was a friend of Tarot book author Martianus da Tortona and got something like a fosterling from him, when Martiano died ... if Lapini adopted this fosterling, Illicino might be even the late son of Martiano da Tortona (as birth year for Illicino is assumed ca. 1430, which easily might be also before 1425). All what we really know, is, that Illicino had a splendid education.
All what we else know of Gentile Sermini seems to come from the above given story: 1424 he was in Siena and escaped to the country near to Montalcino.
The plague of 1424 but has the following background:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Council_of_Siena
In the Catholic Church, the Council of Siena (1423 - 1424) marked a somewhat inconclusive stage in the Conciliar movement that was attempting reforms in the Church. If it had continued, it would have qualified as an ecumenical council. In the official List of ecumenical councils, the Council of Siena is no longer listed, as the conciliarism expressed there was later branded as a heresy.
According to the terms of the Council of Constance calling for periodic ecumenical councils to discuss church policies, Pope Martin V convened a council at Pavia, which was hardly inaugurated on April 23, 1423, when plague broke out at Pavia and the council was hastily adjourned to Siena.
In 1423 the plague arrived in Pavia and Pavia was the intended place for the council ... in Pavia, as noted before, was Lapini and he had some experience with councils (1415 in Constance) and experience with diplomatic missions for Filippo Maria. The duke - who was in this time at the height of his power - was probably lucky to have the council "at home" under his control and probably unlucky, that it had to leave for Siena, but he naturally had a diplomatic delegation following it. As Lapini was from Montalcion in the Sienese region and had the necessary diplomatic experience (he had been before in Constance), it seems VERY probable, that Filippo Maria did choose him (and some others) to accompany the entourage and to observe (and influence) the decisions.
At Siena, the procedure of the Council followed that established at Constance. Right at the start, certain formalities of the safe conducts issued by the city for the members of the Council were the cause of jurisdictional friction with papal prerogatives. Nevertheless, on the eighth of November four decrees were published, all of them directed against easy targets: against the followers of the heretical reformers, Jan Hus, recently burnt at the stake at the Council of Constance, safe conduct or no, and against the English followers of John Wyclif, who claimed that the highest authority was the Bible; against the followers of the schismatic Antipope Benedict XIII; a decree postponing the negotiations with the Greeks and other Eastern Orthodox churches (which were later worked into acceptable compromises in the long working sessions of the Council of Florence, 1438 to 1445); and a decree advising greater vigilance against heresy, the easiest target of all.
Proposals for genuine institutional reform within the Catholic Church hung fire ominously. French proposals for more local control ("Gallican" proposals, generally speaking) produced resistance from the loyalists of the Papal Curia. Nothing was accomplished at Siena in that area.
On February 19, 1424, Basel was selected as the place of the next Council and the Council dissolved itself the following day (the decree published March 7). The French members would have preferred to continue the Council until a thorough reform of the church had been accomplished, both "in capite et in membris" ("in its head and its members"), but whether in order to avoid a new schism, or whether on account of fear of the Pope (since Siena in southern Tuscany was near the Papal States), they departed. The selection of the venue for the next council, far from the armed temporal authority of the Papacy, is significant.
The magistrates of Siena took care not to let anyone depart until he had paid his debts.
The council article doesn't mention a plague in Siena, but it was there in 1424 (possibly after the council, which was ended in early 1424), as this page tells in a footnote ...
http://books.google.com/books?id=QwFMpY ... 24&f=false
... "(about Siena) The plague of course became endemic, reappearing in 1400, 1411 and
1424, and thereafter, but with a greatly diminished rate of mortality." In the plague of 1348-50 Siena had been reduced from 42.000 to 15.000 inhabitants, the death rate in the region of Siena and Florence was considerable higher than at other places.
The plague in Siena 1424 was real, not fiction ... Lapini (alias Sermini) had have good chances to experience the plague there, if he decided after the end of the council for a visit in Montalcino, his home town, as already said, in 42 km distance to Siena. If he was surprised during his stay by the plague, it was logical to take a refugium outside the city , maybe Monte Amiata, another 14 km away. As a delegate at the council in Siena he probably had some free time to collect by some small talk ("gentile sermini") with the inhabitants local details and stories, things, which he partly had heard already in his youth, but possibly not understood or had only half in memory. Siena's university had an excellent medical science and one has to assume, that a boy of Montalcino would study in Siena most probably. As he was a physician for the pope John XXIII., it might be assumed, that he was in 1410 at least 30 years old, as Giovanni probably wouldn't have accepted a young physician with not much experience. A birth year of ca. 1380 would give him for 1443 ... the last year, when we hear of him writing on the Canzonieri commentary ... an advanced age of 63 years. As the commentary commission went from Lapini to Filelfo, (who wrote on it 1444-1447), it might actually be, that Pietro Lapini alias Gentile Sermini died this year.
The parallel between Martiano da Tortona (who got the Michelino deck description possibly also short before his death) and Pietro Lapini give the impression, that Filippo Maria gave such commissions to scholars, when they started to become weak, giving them opportunity for a last great work as a sign of great acceptance.
Filippo Maria selected for this commission the Canzonieri of Petrarca ... in the case, that Lapini was identical with Gentile Sermini, this seems an understandable topic: a research for a specialist in matters of love.
The son Illicino probably himself later added Filelfo's work to his own commentary, and the Trionfi editions included also the Canzonieri.
Well ...