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Tarot History Forum

Tarot History Forum - 600 years of history in 78 cards

Of famous (and not so famous) men

11
SteveM wrote: 14 May 2026, 13:01 In that sense, the Roman figures of the Sola Busca may function collectively as a providential historical sequence rather than a random anthology of famous men.
Many of the names are not especially famous to modern readers, and several remain obscure or difficult even for specialists in Roman history to identify with certainty. The ambiguity is compounded by the fact that many of the names are common familial names rather than unique identifiers, making it difficult to determine precisely which historical individual is intended in every case.

This ambiguity itself may be significant. The trumps do not appear primarily interested in celebrating universally recognizable heroes in the manner of humanist collections of illustrious men. Instead, the figures seem drawn from a broader historiographical tradition in which Roman exempla function as moral and providential types within the movement of history. The recurrence of names traceable to Paulus Orosius, including apparent textual corruptions and obscure references, suggests engagement with a textual historical tradition rather than the simple selection of culturally famous figures.

What matters in this context is less the individual celebrity of each figure than their collective participation in a providential historical sequence. The deck’s trumps appear to draw upon Roman history not as antiquarian decoration but as a meditation upon empire, moral decline, sacred order, conquest, and historical catastrophe. This aligns closely with the historiographical method of Historiarum Adversum Paganos, where historical figures are arranged within a teleological vision of divine providence governing the rise and fall of civilizations.

The obscurity and ambiguity of some identifications may therefore reinforce rather than weaken the argument for an underlying historiographical structure. The trumps seem less concerned with presenting a canon of individually recognizable heroes than with evoking the texture of sacred and imperial history itself.

Re: OLIVO & Cosmic Protest

12
SteveM wrote: 11 May 2026, 14:22
Following his capture of Constantinople Mehmet II promoted the image of himself as the new Basileus, King of Kings [«βασιλεῖ βασιλέων»], a traditional title of Byzantine Emperors.

For Bessarion "barbarous" Ottomans could have no legitimate rule over the Greeks. In his first "Oration against the Turks" Bessarion describes Mehmet II as:

"That monstrous beast, ever panting for the blood of Christians... Therefore, since he wills, is able, and knows how, can anyone one doubt that he hurls itself against us with all his heart and mind, by day and by night? Are we idle soldiers, waiting at home, shall we only believe when we see him before our very eyes, breathing out his venom?"

In which it appears he is making a play upon the Basileus as the venomous Basilisk, akin to the imagery of the Sola Busca Trump card OLIVO.
Quod facinus quomodo vides, o sol?

In reference to OLIVO, note also the dark rays and darkening of the Sun.

The darkening of the Sun was a common formula of Byzantine rhetoric, in which the darkening of the Sun occurs when:

- the rightful order is overturned
- Christians are humiliated
- sacred places are defiled
- tyrants rise
- the world is morally inverted

This is the same logic used:

- at the Crucifixion
- in apocalyptic homilies
- in anti‑Persian, anti‑Arab, anti‑Latin, and anti‑Turk polemic
- in laments for the fall of cities (such as Jerusalem, Constantinople)

The sun darkens because the world is upside‑down.

In OLIVO the darkening of the Sun also gives it a shadow on one-side that makes it more Moon-like - emblematic for the expansion of the dominion of the Turks over Christian lands.

“... our enemies provoke us with outrages, inflame us with threats, incite us by their luxury, and drive us on by their arrogance, spitting in the faces of Christians. How can you endure the sight of such a crime, O sun? Or why do you not turn to darkness, that darkness into which you were turned when in those same places you saw the most beautiful face of the Creator befouled with spit?”

George of Trebizond in "Exhortations to King Alfonso of Aragon and Emperor Frederick III to recover the Holy Lands" (from the Mamluk 'saracens')

Re: Biblical Beasts: Sebastian Brant's Ship of Fools

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In the third edition of his Ship of Fools (1498), Sebastian Brant added a horoscope for the great conjunction of Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn in Cancer, expected in October 1503. He read this celestial alignment as a portent of Ottoman power and framed it within prophetic sacred history, while also serving Maximilian’s political agenda.

The illustration shows a world turned upside down, with fools driving cart‑before‑horse, and four shields bearing the beasts of Daniel’s kingdoms: the winged lion of Babylon, the bear of Persia, the four‑headed leopard of Alexander’s empire, and the Roman eagle, all culminating in the ten‑horned beast of Revelation. For Brant, this beast could be realized in the terror and power of the Turks unless unity under the Holy Roman Emperor prevented it. This is not an isolated flourish but part of a broader interpretive grammar that had been active since at least the late fourteenth century, reanimated in the latter half of the fifteenth and carried into the sixteenth.

The Sola Busca (1491), with its comet imagery, grotesques, and exempla, belongs squarely within this mode of Orosian historiography: a providential chronicle of crisis where celestial omens and beasts dramatize the rise and fall of empires under divine judgment.
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Re: Ottoman threat in Folengo's tarot "reading"

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The continuance of the Ottoman threat into the 16th century we can see in Folengo's interpretation of Falcone's Lot.

Falcone’s sonnet by Teofilo Folengo in Il Chaos del Triperuno provides evidence that tarot imagery in early sixteenth-century Venetian intellectual culture could function not merely as amusement, moral allegory, or private divination, but as a medium for political and historical reflection upon the crisis of Christendom. In the sonnet describing the cards drawn by Falcone (Moon, Hanged Man, Pope, Emperor, Popess) the trumps are interpreted through the geopolitical realities of Ottoman expansion and Christian disunity.

Tarot here becomes a language for thinking politically:

Moon, Hanged-Man, Pope, Emperor, Popesse
Dear Europe, when will that part of you
owned by the Treacherous Turks,
be returned by the Pope or Emperor,
who hold the keys of Fortune in their hands?
Alas, the Traitor and importunate have placed
the summit of Peter’s honour
in the hands of a Woman, and set Imperial fury
only against the lily, and not the Moon.
If the Pope were not a Popesse,
who holds Marcin suspended by the foot,
I’d see the Moon in the Eagle’s grasp.
But these Popes or Emperors of mine
make it so that my Popesse renews
the Moon, and I want to Hang myself.

The poem’s central concern is the impotence of divided Christendom before the advancing Ottoman Empire. Within Folengo’s reading, the Moon is mapped onto Ottoman power; the Emperor directs his fury against the French lily rather than the true external enemy; the Pope and Popess signify the corruption or inversion of spiritual authority; and the Hanged Man evokes paralysis, humiliation, or political suspension. The cards no longer concern individual fortune alone. Fortune itself becomes geopolitical.

Too often, interpretations of early tarot polarize between:

- "mere" game,
- moral allegory,
- or occult esotericism.

Folengo’s sonnet demonstrates something historically more specific: tarot imagery functioning as a medium for political reflection on the disorder of Europe in the face of Ottoman expansion. The sequence:

- Moon,
- Hanged Man,
- Pope,
- Emperor,
- Popess

is not interpreted psychologically or magically, but as a diagnosis of imperial and spiritual crisis. The trumps concern:

- Europe,
- empire,
- papal weakness,
- Christian disunity,
- and Ottoman expansion.

This line is especially revealing:

“Imperial fury only against the lily, and not the Moon.”

The Emperor attacks France rather than confronting the Ottoman threat. Christian Europe destroys itself internally while the true external danger advances unchecked. This belongs unmistakably to the geopolitical atmosphere of continuing expansion of Ottoman power across the eastern Mediterranean. The poem therefore inhabits the same moral-political world as:

- the anti-Turkish orations of Bessarion,
- anti-Ottoman lament literature,
- prophetic interpretations of celestial omens,
- and late medieval universal historiography.

The Hanged Man is particularly significant. Traditionally associated in Italian visual culture with treachery or punishment, the figure here becomes linked to political paralysis and humiliation. If “Marcin” indeed refers to Venice, then Venice itself appears suspended:

- trapped between East and West,
- compromised by diplomacy and commerce,
- and immobilized before the Ottoman threat.

This tension was fundamental to Venetian political culture. Venice occupied an unstable dual position:

- defender of Christendom,
- commercial partner of the Ottomans,
- inheritor of Byzantine connections,
- and maritime empire under increasing pressure.

That instability permeates much Venetian anti-Turkish rhetoric of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

The probable identification of Falcone with the Grifalconi/Dragan Venetian milieu places Folengo’s sonnet within a humanist network connected to Greek learning and Adriatic political consciousness. Folengo’s praise of Luigi Grifalconi as master of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew suggests an intellectual environment shaped by precisely the convergence of:

- Byzantine refugee scholarship,
- Renaissance humanism,
- anti-Ottoman polemic,
- and providential historical thought.

This is also the kind of milieu in which the earlier Sola Busca Tarot may plausibly have emerged. The predominance within the deck of Alexander-cycle material, Trojan associations, and Greek historical-romance figures suggests not merely generic Renaissance classicism, but an intellectual atmosphere shaped by Byzantine-inflected historical consciousness and eastern Mediterranean traditions of universal history. Rather than treating antiquity as a purely aesthetic or antiquarian domain, the Sola Busca appears to reorganize Greek and Roman historical material within a providential and imperial framework shaped by:

- Orosian universal history,
- the doctrine of translatio imperii,
- Byzantine chronography,
- and the apocalyptic anxieties of the post-1453 Adriatic world.

The deck’s imagery therefore participates less in a revival of paganism than in a late medieval Christian historical imagination in which empire, sacred history, and Ottoman expansion were understood as deeply interconnected. Its obscurity may lie not in hidden occult doctrine, but in the fact that modern readers no longer inhabit the symbolic and historiographical world that once made such imagery intelligible

Re: Crow vs. Dove: Prophetic Tension in the Sola Busca

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The structure of the Sola Busca Tarot reflects not only the fractured geography of Christendom but the providential succession of empires itself. With the exception of Plauto and Cecilio, the pip courts lean Greek, Trojan, Macedonian, and Alexandrian, the world of the eastern Mediterranean, while the trumps are overwhelmingly Roman, the empire that historically superseded the Greek world. This is not random antiquarian eclecticism but a hierarchy modeled on translatio imperii: the suits embody the older Hellenic order, while the trumps assert the Roman imperium that rose above and replaced it.

But Rome is not the final horizon of the deck. Above the Roman trumps stand the biblical figures of Nimrod and Nebuchadnezzar, relocating the deck from classical history into the providential chronology of sacred history. Nebuchadnezzar evokes not only the Babylon of the Book of Daniel and the succession of world empires, but also the devouring dragon of the Book of Jeremiah and, ultimately, the apocalyptic Babylon of the Book of Revelation. Babylon therefore becomes more than a historical empire: it becomes the recurring archetype of tyrannical world power fated to rise, consume, and fall under divine judgment.

In the shadow of 1453, this hierarchy carried an unmistakable contemporary resonance. The Ottoman Empire was widely interpreted in late medieval prophetic thought as the next empire in the providential sequence, a new Babylon or beast rising against Christendom. The deck’s structure therefore dramatizes a triple hierarchy: the Greek East below, the Roman West above it, and sacred history above them both. What appears at first as a Roman triumph is ultimately transformed into a warning that no empire, not Greece, not Rome, not even Christendom itself, stands outside the cycle of sacred history or beyond the approach of the next apocalyptic kingdom.

By placing Greek heroes in the suits, Roman exempla in the trumps, and Babylonian tyrants above them both, the Sola Busca transforms the succession of empires into an apocalyptic warning: even Rome’s triumph over Greece stands beneath the shadow of Revelation’s next rising beast.

In my view, a major strength of this hypothesis is that it explains the structure of the Sola Busca Tarot rather than interpreting its symbols in isolation. A recurring weakness of many alchemical interpretations is their reliance on associative accumulation: a serpent becomes “alchemy,” a vessel becomes “alchemy,” a hybrid creature becomes “alchemy,” and any unusual name becomes “hermeticism.” Because this method can absorb almost anything into an esoteric framework, it becomes difficult to falsify and even harder to evaluate critically.

By contrast, the historical and providential reading possesses a clear organizing principle. It explains the deck through succession, hierarchy, imperial typology, and the historical consciousness shaped by the fall of Constantinople and following successes of the Ottomans. It accounts for why the trumps are overwhelmingly Roman, why the suits lean Greek, Macedonian, Trojan, and Alexandrian, and why biblical figures appear above them both. The deck ceases to appear as a collection of disconnected esoteric symbols and instead emerges as a visual reenactment of translatio imperi: the succession from the Hellenistic world of Alexander and his heirs to Rome, with both ultimately subordinated to sacred history.

This framework also explains the placement of Alexander the Great, his family, and his forebears far more convincingly than alchemical theories do. In an alchemical reading, their presence is largely incidental. In a historical reading, their placement within the lower hierarchy of the suits is meaningful. They belong to the older Hellenistic imperial world that Rome superseded. Their inclusion is therefore not esoteric ornamentation but a deliberate invocation of the empire Rome replaced.

The dragon and basilisk imagery likewise fit naturally within a political and theological interpretation. Medieval and Renaissance thought already possessed a rich symbolic language for monstrous empire. Nebuchadnezzar appears in the Book of Jeremiah as a devouring dragon, while the beasts of the Book of Revelation became enduring symbols of tyrannical and destructive world power. Monstrous creatures were also commonly associated with foreign and threatening empires, especially the Ottomans. There is therefore no need to import later occult symbolism to explain the dragon or basilisk imagery, since these creatures already belonged to the established language of imperial anxiety, catastrophe, and divine judgment.

Another major strength of this hypothesis is that it integrates the biblical figures coherently into the deck’s larger architecture. Many alchemical interpretations struggle to explain why Nimrod and Nebuchadnezzar appear in an otherwise classical humanist environment. Within a Four Kingdoms and sacred‑history framework, however, they become essential. They universalize the cycle of empire, subordinate Rome to providence, and connect classical history to apocalyptic chronology. They also resonate with contemporary fears that the Ottoman Empire represented the next empire in the providential succession: a new Babylon or beast rising against Christendom.

Most importantly, this interpretation explains not merely individual motifs but the hierarchy of the deck itself. The suits embody the older Greek and Hellenistic world. The Roman trumps rise above and supersede that world. Yet above Rome stand the biblical tyrants who reveal that even imperial triumph is temporary. The deck ultimately transforms Roman supremacy into a meditation on imperial fragility: Rome conquers the Greek world, but Rome itself stands beneath the prophetic horizon of Babylon and the ever‑approaching next beast of sacred history.

In this sense, the Sola Busca presents a triple hierarchy: the Greek East below, the Roman West above it, and sacred history above them both. The East–West division of Christendom remains present within the structure, but as part of a larger providential drama of succession, judgment, and collapse. In my opinion, while alchemical readings may illuminate individual motifs, they do not account for the deck’s hierarchy, figure distribution, biblical intrusion, gameplay structure, and post 1453 historical consciousness as coherently as the historical and providential model I have presented here.