Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote: 31 Mar 2020, 21:42
Phaeded wrote: 31 Mar 2020, 21:35
At all events, there must at least be an educated guess as to Agnese's birth year.
Cengarle says:
“primi anni del XV secolo.” (early years of the 15th century)
Given the lack of birthdates on Motta's genealogy, I think that is the best we are going to get. I have no idea where wikipedia and others get "1411." I'd be interested to know if either Cengarle or Covini know.
Its common to note the age of the recently deceased, so perhaps someone found that reference somewhere. Let me ping Covini now....
At all events I'm finding the need to prove her age less central to my argument, especially what you provided in terms of her chaste nature when joining Filippo, as well as what I've I found regarding Bianca's two favorite religious charities, one being a female abbey dedicated to S. Agnese. One presumes that vows to her chaste patron saint namesake formed part of young Agnese's chaste resolve...and the Vesta-Agnese connection going back to the most important saint that Milan had, Ambrose could have lead Marziano to such Vesta/Daphne pagan prefigurations of Christian piety. Daphne is the outlier among the 16
heroum - and as such, surely the key. She is strictly a "heroine" only in a Petrarchan chastity sense - the other three "virginities" are known for civilizing gifts to mankind in addition to their chaste natures; Daphne only specific attribute is triumphing over Cupid, the last card, symbolized by the victorious laurel.
Now consider the symbolism of the laurel and olive atop the crown impresa used by Filippo. Maspoli links the laurel and olive fronds atop the crown impresa back as a gift from Alfonso when he was a prisoner in Milan c. 1435:
L’Impresa della corona ducale attraversata da due rami, uno d’ulivo, l’altro di palma frutuifero, generalmente divaricati, ma talora ache decussati, fu propria di Filippo Maria Visconti, terzo duca di Milano; quest’impresa simboleggia con il ramo di palma e quello d’Ulivo un dominio di gloria e di pace. Il Decembrio attest ache Filippo porto in principio il Ducale in seguito uso freiarsi dell-impresa paterna della colomba nel fiammante, quindi decoro I suoi vessilli e le suppellettili piu pregevoli con inseriti nel cerchio della corona due rami allegorici. Filippo ebbe quest’impresa da Alfonso I d’Aragona re di Napoli in segno di riconoscimento per la sua magnaanimita per averlo non solo liberato dalla cattura, ma anche favorito nella riconquista del Napoletano: di cio fa fede un manoscritto di Francesco Castello: “dono recepit coronam cum palma et oliva decoratam cum privilegio quod tam ipse quam futuri Mediolani duces possent has palmanu et olivam in summitate coronae ducalis portare.” L’attestazione del Castelo fa cadere ;’attribuzione dell’impresa a gian Galeazzo Visconti sostenuta dal Beltrami. (Maspoli, 2000: 33-34)
The impresa of the ducal crown crossed by two branches, one olive tree, the other of the fruit palm, generally spread apart, but sometimes also crossed, was the property of Filippo Maria Visconti, third duke of Milan; this enterprise symbolizes with the palm and olive branches a domain of glory and peace. Decembrio attested that Filippo initially brought the Ducale later to use the decoration of the paternal enterprise of the dove in the flaming, then I decorate its flags and the most valuable furnishings with two allegorical branches inserted in the circle of the crown [vita 30]. Filippo had this impresa from Alfonso I of Aragon king of Naples as a sign of recognition for his magnanimity for having not only freed him from capture, but also favored in the Neapolitan reconquest, which is a manuscript by Francesco Castello [Latin]: “the dukes of Milan had received the gift of the olive tree adorned with palm and crown, and, as they could be the privilege of both Filippo and his successors, being able to bear the the olive and palm atop the crown.” Castello's certification makes it false – the attribution of the impresa to Gian Galeazzo Visconti supported by Beltrami (33-34).
I can find no use of this impresa by Alfonso and the crown before his bust on his Pisanello medal merely shows the crown - no fronds of any kind. At all events, Maspoli fails to locate the literary origin of the impresa. And even assuming the Castello reference is true, that would merely mean while Alfonso and d'Avalos were prisoner-guests of Filippo following their naval defeat at Ponza in 1435, they came to understood Filippo's abiding obsession with Petrarch and accordingly concocted a device based on the
canzoniere, Filippo's favorite work. Towards the culmination of Petrach's sonnets, number 359 (there are 366 overall) there is a resonance with his
trionfi, where Laura's ghost visit's him, as explained by Bernardo:
Canzone 359 clearly echoes the second capitolo of the “Triumph of Death” in its basic setting which depicts Laura appearing to the poet in a dream and sitting on the edge of his bed ‘per dar riposo a la mia vita stanca' [grant some peace to my weary life]. What transpires between the two lovers, however, goes beyond that capitolo and seems to anticipate and indeed complete the “Triumph of Eternity.” We first see Laura taking a small branch of olive and one of laurel from her bosom and presumably holding them as she answers the poet’s questions. After listening to her explanation of what prompted her to come to home, the poet attempts to explain his misery since her death. In praising her qualities he makes an extremely significant remark with respect to Laura’s assurance of eternal bliss:
Come Dio et Natura avrebbon messo / in un cor giovenil tanta vertute, / se l’eterna salute / non fusse destinate al tuo ben fare? ["Why would God and Nature have set / so much virtue in a youthful heart, / if the eternal welcome / were not destined for your good deeds?"]
Laura’s rejoinder to the poets wish that he were dead is that he did not have to remain earthbound after her demise. He could easily have followed her “cogliendo omai qualchun di questo rami” [now taking some of these branches]. The poet thereupon requests the meaning of the two branches. The answer he receives from Laura is that the palm signifies victory over the world and over the self, while the laurel signifies the triumph of which she was worthy because of her God-given strength and her ability to see beyond the world and the self. (Aldo S. Bernardo, Petrarch, Laura, and the Triumphs,1974: 160).
The point being, despite this digression on an impresa that post-dates Marziano, is that Filippo remained almost equally obsessed with Laura-Daphne as Petrach himself, taking an impresa unique to him (not a predecessor) entirely derived from Petrarch and in turn imagined as given to the poet from Laura himself.
Whatever the unsavory circumstances of Filippo's "acquisition" of Agnese, he clearly followed the poetic convention, specifically Petrarch's convention, is seeing her as a virginal ideal, even as a Wisdom figure like Laura, inspiring him towards heaven's rewards come the final judgement (however much he in fact he sullied her as a lover in reality). So again, we know this: Filippo favored Petrarch's sonnets above all else - even taking an impresa from one of them that featured Laura - and Marziano's game features the very poetic cognate of Laura, Daphne. Beatrice was a widow - there is simply no way Marziano's game could pertain to her; the young Agnese - a name hagiographically linked to virginity in Milan - yes. The Petrarchan device even features throughout the suit of cups in Agnese's daughter's betrothal deck....
Phaeded
.. as far I remember, Chaucer was also in Milan.