Re: News and Updates

Nathaniel wrote: 30 Sep 2022, 11:09 early date could perhaps also explain the absence of any object in Time's hands. Simona Cohen, on pp. 68 to 72 of Transformations of Time and Temporality in Medieval and Renaissance Art (Leiden: Brill, 2014), presents two 12th century manuscript images showing an allegorical figure representing time in the form of a bearded older man, not holding any of the usual objects; one of them holds nothing but a scroll bearing the word TEMPUS. It is therefore entirely conceivable that a personification of Time painted around 1400 might simply have depicted the figure as a bearded old man with no attributive object in his hands.
The only time someone might be presented as gesticulating with empty hands is when speaking or engaged in debate, like on Donatello's famous S. Lorenzo sacristy doors (1440-43):
"If you have to do apostles, do not make them look like fencers, as Donatello did in the bronze doors in the sacristy of San Lorenzo in Florence" (Spencer v.2, Bk. XXIII, [f.179.sup.v]). Filarete's remark echoed a similar injunction in Alberti's renowned De Pictura that an artist should not represent a discoursing philosopher in a manner more suited to a fencer (Grayson 74; Spencer 124). Both contemporary admonitions noted Donatello's rendering of figures in the midst of extreme movement on the bronze doors, while drawing attention to the problematic subject of Donatello's bronze reliefs. At the same time, these criticisms recommend a context in which that subject might be located and understood: Donatello's commission at San Lorenzo coincided with the rediscovery of Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria. Newly available to the avant-garde of Florentine humanists, the Institutio Oratoria lent ancient authority to the role of physical movement and gesture for conveying meaning during speech-making. Correspondences between Quintilian's text, with its remarkably precise discussion of oratorical delivery, and Donatello's gesticulating figures suggest that the recovery of this manuscript allowed Donatello to cast his Christian preachers as ancient orators, thus placing the eloquence of classical oratory at the service of Christian piety. ... 7E81411171

(see also: Paoletti, John T. “Donatello’s Bronze Doors for the Old Sacristy of San Lorenzo.” Artibus et Historiae 11, no. 21 (1990): 39–69, who links the figures to the Church Union debates. Available via JSTOR).

Time isn't arguing with the antlers. Something was in his hands. Perhaps a scroll with text on it, as your example suggests, that blended too much into the grey background; once abraded it was too far gone for the retouching artist to bother with (probably couldn't identify what was there). The more I look at it (see image below) the hands holding a scroll make perfect sense (If a book they would have been closer together - but here they seem to be holding near the top and bottom of a scroll), as the head is cocked as if reading what was between his hands. A medieval example with the hands separated while holding a (rather long) scroll:


As for Milan - very possible given Petrarch's lengthy stay there. But what cassoni tradition was there? I thought it was more of a Tuscan thing.


PS I will say the hand placement on this armillary sphere (sometimes Time simply holds a T-orb) matches our subject's hands very closely (if an armillary sphere and just thin intersecting circles then that would account even more for how paint loss would have made it impossible to discern by a later artist doing a retouch)
liber-physiognomiae.jpg liber-physiognomiae.jpg Viewed 3736 times 27.74 KiB
Pesellino's Time with world
the Time in question:
triumphf time, Milan, c. 1400, cassone, Circle of Anovelo da Imbonate.jpg triumphf time, Milan, c. 1400, cassone, Circle of Anovelo da Imbonate.jpg Viewed 3746 times 57.35 KiB

Re: News and Updates


Large pictures ...
Fame ....
Time ....
Eternity ....

It's a pity, that there is no info about the object and the size of the pictures.
The object was sold in May 2022 for 19.200 Euro (estimated value before 15.000-20.000) .


The 3 pictures together (with large size on click) ....
Image ... 01AB156F70 ... f3d63.Jpeg
Circle Anovelo da Imbonate
The Triumphs of Fame, Time and Eternity,, 1374
oil on panel, a cassone front


overall 40 x 164 cm
.... gives the size. 1374 is just the death year of Petrarca, not the date of the painting, I would assume.

OLD MASTER PAINTINGS 152 Circle of Anovelo da Imbonate (Milan active around 1400) The Triumphs of Fame, Time and Eternity, oil on panel, a cassone front, overall 40 x 164 cm, integral frame € 15,000 – 20,000 US$ 17,000 – 22,600 The present painting is an example of the front of a cassone in the late Gothic Lombard style. The three tondi depict the allegorical figures of Fame, Time and Eternity. The subject relates to the series of poems written by Francesco Petrarca in 1374 called the Triumphs, and was a theme commonly portrayed in Northern Italy. It is probable that the present cassone front was originally a pair with a second representing the three other Triumphs of Petrarca’s literary work. The present work is influenced by the linear Gothic style of typical Lombard painting and can be compared to the works of Anovelo da Imbonate, a miniaturist and painter working at the Milanese court between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In particular, similarities can be seen with da Imbonate’s signed Messale for the crowning of the Duca Gian Galeazzo Visconti (1395) in the library of the Basilica di Sant’Ambrogio and the pinnacle depicting the Crucifixion previously in San Giorgio al Palazzo, now in the Museo Diocesano in Milan.
Image ... E-BA004636
Image ... sconti.png

This seems to be the original ....

https://ilpalazzodisichelgaita.wordpres ... /img_1646/
This seems to be a facsimile production of the text. A thick book.
I've problems to identify the artist of this book with the author of the relative primitive art of the 3 Petrarca Trionfi. The dating c. 1400 looks weak.

Naturally a work of a well known artist gets a better price than a simple "unknown artist" and the job of an auctioneer is it to get a good price. The interest is not the humble truth about a difficult research situation.

However, the description of the Messale shows, that it a very complex work with various authors ...
The Missal given by Gian Galeazzo Visconti to the church of St Ambrose, where it is still kept (Milano, Archivio Capitolare della Basilica di S. Ambrogio, ms. M 6), was signed by the copyist Fazio Castoldi on 24 May 1400 and illuminated by Anovelo da Imbonate and other artists. It is a winter missal with a special mass for Gian Galeazzo. A short text with a genealogy of the Visconti family was soon premised. Probably in 1431, on the occasion of the coronation of the emperor Sigismund of Luxemburg in Milan, an ordo coronationis was added, then a copy of Sigismund’s charter for St Ambrose canons, then a section of summer missal. The text of the genealogy is edited here for the first time, its historical sources are traced and its significance highlighted as part of Gian Galeazzo political project of grandeur.

Anovelo da Imbonate .... Legenda venerabilium virorum Aymonis et Vermondi ("vita dei Santi Aimone e Vermondo")

Well, I personally wouldn't think, that this was made by the same painter as the painterof the 3 Petrarca Trionfi.
I would assume a cassone producer with not much talent for picture painting. But by far I don't consider myself an expert in this question .... :-)

Re: News and Updates

I asked Ada Labriola, an art historian who has done significant work on the history of Trionfi illustration in 15th century Italy (, for her opinion. This is what she said:
mi sembra un'opera con molte ridpinture o restauri. La data 1400 mi sembra troppo precoce, anche se non sono una specialista di pittura lombarda.
Per esempio gli angeli del terzo Trionfo difficilmente possono risalire al 1400.

it seems to me to be a work with a lot of repainting or restoration. The 1400 date seems too early to me, although I am not a specialist in Lombard painting.
For example, the angels in the third Trionfo are unlikely to date from 1400.
So it seems that Phaeded is probably right about Time having previously held an object in his hands, which has since been painted over. And Huck's doubts about the artist are also justified, not least because the work is probably not from that time.

Ada did not feel that she could say if it was from Lombardy or not, and said that the repainting makes it hard to give an opinion on it. She remarked on the strange features of the work:
Mi lasciano perplessa molti aspetti: il fondo grigio così piatto e la fascia bianca sottostante, le figure buffe dei due cervi nel Trionfo centrale, le improbabili ali bianche degli angeli nel terzo Trionfo, i putti classicheggianti nel primo Trionfo in un contesto che vuole proporsi genericamente come tardogotico.

Many aspects perplex me: the very flat gray background and the white strip below it, the comical figures of the two stags in the central Trionfo, the improbable white wings of the angels in the third Trionfo, the classical-style putti in the first Trionfo in a context presenting itself generally as late Gothic.
I suggested to Ada that the gray background and the white strip look like the side of a building, and that the presence of the same tree and the same small plants in the foreground make it look like the chariots are moving in a procession through a particular space next to that building.

But this, like the other features Ada describes, is quite unusual. I think we can be certain that the panel is not from Florence, and there is, I think, now no compelling reason to believe that it dates from before 1440, but exactly where it is from, and when, remains a mystery. 15th century Trionfi cassoni were certainly made in Italian cities other than Florence—I am aware of examples from Siena, Verona, and Mantua—but none of them have this iconography, and they are all more elaborate and finely made.

Re: News and Updates

There was once (started 2012, discussion endured till 2014) the rather long thread .... 'Collection "How Petrarca became famous" (till 1450)'
I remember ...
There was the consideration, that Petrarca's fame at his death was his fame as a scholar and a political agent as diplomat with contacts to the emperor, popes and French kings. His fame as a poet was a minor side line of his personal development during his life.

Further (much Latin):
As already noted, the vast majority of Petrach's writing, in a wide variety of forms and genres, was in Latin. It was on this work that he primarily rested his claims as a poet, scholar, moral philosopher, and religious thinker. It was on this work that he first gain widespread reknown among his contemoraries throughout Europe. ... 018BE28C09
But (less Italian) .... but this became more famous finally, but this needed some time:
Nonetheless, he continued revising and expanding his Italian poetic oeuvre from very early in his life to shortly before his death, although by contrast with the overwhelming quantities of work in Latin, his Italian poetic production was severely limited ....
And yet, within a little more than century after his death , his Italian works , above all the Canzoniere, would dramatical outstrip the Latin in both popularity and influence .... ... 411BB689FB


I don't know, according what statistic attempts these assumptions have gotten their relevance, but it tells, hat the conditions to become famous as a writer was more difficult than nowadays. Less texts and less readers created the situation, that it simply did need very much time. Things improved, when book printing technologies developed. but this happened about 100 years after Petrarca's death.

The "Trionfi" was a vernacular text, So its chances to get some readers were not so big, as Petrarca was mainly known for his Latin works.
The text of "Trionfi" was not complete at the end of Petrarca's life. Likely Petrarca didn't do much to distribute his text in his life time.
It makes sense to assume, that only a few friends knew parts of the text then.

A method to estimate the development of fame is to check the number and length of biographies. ... ca&f=false
I'm not sure, if the list in the book is true for the early times (the presentation depends on the system of choice; what for one one biography selector is a biography might differ from the evaluation of another.
I remember dark, that I had also another biography list, which for the early years was longer (?). I might have an error for this point.

Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder is of interest. He was interested in Petrarca, wrote a biography and came to Hungary at the court of the later emperor Sigismund. Sigismund was then 2 years in Italy,1431-1433. In Florence Bruni wrote then his biography of Petrarca. This possibly caused the increased interest in Petrarca and the Trionfi text. ... _the_Elder ... rafico%29/

It's not clear to me, if Vergerio was in Italy during the Sigismondo visit (as far I remember). But it would be natural. Sigismondo probably needed persons from Italy for this visit.

... proceeded at ...

Re: News and Updates

About your penultimate post, on the popularity of Petrarch's Trionfi before the 1430s, the issue seems of very slight relevance to the question of dating a cassone panel with the three last of his triumphs. In the first place Bruni relates primarily to Florence, and our cassone is most likely not from there. If we look at where the early manuscripts of the Trionfi were done, only one is in Florence. Most are elsewhere. In British libraries I gave a list, at viewtopic.php?f=11&t=868&p=13562#p13562. For 1431 and before, Ross summed up this list:
Late 14th: Italy, no specific city identified
1400 Venice
1424 Prato
1426 Siena
1427 Florence
1431 Crimea/Genoa
1431 Venice
From Lombardy, most of the good manuscripts were taken to France. I notice in Pellegrin's inventory of Petrarch mss. in France that one copy of the Trionfi, Arsenal 5852 (Pellegrin, Manuscrits de Petrarque en France, pp. 321-2) is noted as written in cursive script that "recalls the script of the chancellery" (rappelle l'ecriture de la chancellerie") of the end of the 14th century, the same time as our cassone panel is purported to be from. It doesn't say which chancellery. Another one, Bibliotheque Nationale Ital.549, has "peut-etre lombard" for the script, dated first half of 15th cent. Quite a few just have "XVe siecle", from which not much can be concluded.

Also, since there is no particular connection between the imagery of the cassone panel and the imagery in Petrarch's poems, all that needs to have been known by those who saw the cassone would have been the subjects, that they were Petrarch's: so fame (for power or writings), time, and eternity. It does not take much study of the poems, or even literacy in general, to know that much, and likewise for the other three. This is true later, too. These were all standard subjects in medieval iconography. What is not standard, of course, is the specific selection of subjects and their order. Petrarca, earth quake Basel 1356

Berthe Widmer (1994)
Francesco Petrarca über seinen Aufenthalt in Basel 1356 (in Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde) ... 4%3A%3A332

The heavy earthquake of Basel in the year 1356 was described by Petrarca in 1357. Petrarca claimed, that he was in the city short after this opportunity.
The earthquake happened at October 18, 1356.

Berthe Widmer points to the otherwise known condition. that Petrarca was in Milan at September 20, back from his "Gesandtschaftsreise", which had led him to Basel.
Der peinlich genaue Petrarca-Biograph Wilkins hat längst festgestellt, dass die Gesandtschaftsreise schon mehrere Wochen vor dem Unglückstag zu Ende gegangen war, sodass der Heimgekehrte bereits am 20. September von Mailand aus seinem Freund Francesco Nelli schriftlich melden konnte, er sei wohlbehalten wieder da' (Footnote ). Ende Oktober oder Anfang November muss dann Petrarca die Nachricht vom Erdbeben erhalten haben, und hierauf gehörte er allerdings zu jenen, welche die schreckliche Verwandlung Basels wenigstens vor dem geistigen Auge sahen und kaum für wahr halten konnten.
(Footnote) E. H. Wilkins, Petrarch's eight years in Milan, Cambridge, Mass. 1958, S. 130. Der Brief an Nelli: Fam. XIX,14, Edizione nazionale, vol. 12, a.O., S. 339 Piur, Briefwechsel, Anhang Nr. VII.6, S. 216).

automatic translation
The meticulous Petrarch biographer Wilkins has long established that the embassy trip had ended several weeks before the day of the accident, so that the returnee was able to write to his friend Francesco Nelli on September 20 from Milan to report that he was back safely. At the end of October or beginning of November Petrarch must have received the news of the earthquake, and after that he was one of those who at least saw the terrible transformation of Basel in their mind's eye and could hardly believe it.
Recently we stumbled about a Tsunami adventure told by Petrarca in 1343. The Tsuname was real, but shall we believe, that Petrarca really saw this Tsunami?
viewtopic.php?f=11&t=1422&p=25044&hilit ... 56f#p25044
Huck .... Petrarca links

Petrarca Links ...

A long list with Petrarca texts which are online ... 01304-1374


I don't know, if a full version exists online ........
source ...
Petrarca's relations to Germany
"Briefwechsel mit deutschen Zeitgenossen / Petrarca. Unter Mitw. Konrad Burdachs hrsg. von Paul Piur"

Mit e. Anh.: Petrarcas sonstige Berichte u. Urteile über Deutschland" (1920 or 1933) .... content ... UrAAAAIAAJ .... snippet view

Content (begin, introduction)...
Petrarcas Beziehungen zu Deutschland XXI
I. Petrarcas Reisen in Deutschland XXII
II. Petrarcas Beziehungen zu Kaiser Karl IV. und dem
Prager Hof XXX
1. Petrarcas erster Brief an Karl IV. XXXI
2. Die kaiserliche Antwort und Petrarcas zweiter und
dritter Brief an Karl IV XXXIII
3. Die erste Italienfahrt des Kaisers (1354—55) . . . XXXVI
4. Petrarca als Gesandter am Prager Hof (1356) . . . XXXIX
5. Der briefliche Verkehr in den Jahren 1356—1361 . . XLI
6. Einladung xur Übersiedlung nach Prag XLIII
7. Verhandlungen über die Reise XLVI
8. Seheitern des Plans XLVIII
9. Verstimmungen und Ausgleich L
10. Letzte Begegnungen bei der zweiten Italienfahrt des
Kaisers (1368) LIII
11. Aufhören der Korrespondenz LVI

automatic translation
Petrarch's Relations with Germany XXI
I. Petrarch's Travels in Germany XXII
II. Petrarch's relations with Emperor Charles IV and the
Prague courtyard XXX
1. Petrarch's first letter to Charles IV. XXXI
2. The imperial reply and Petrarch's second and
third letter to Charles IV XXXIII
3. The Emperor's First Voyage to Italy (1354-55) . . . XXXVI
4. Petrarch as ambassador to the court of Prague (1356) . . . XXXIX
5. Correspondence in the years 1356-1361. . XLI
6. Invitation to move to Prague XLIII
7. Negotiations on the trip XLVI
8. Settlement of Plan XLVIII
9. Upsets and Compensation L
10. Last encounters during the second trip to Italy
Emperor (1368) LIII
11. Cessation of Correspondence LVI

The following is the content of the major part of the book, it's made according an automatic translation (page numbers are skipped)

Petrarch's correspondence with German contemporaries.

1. Petrarch to Charles IV — Padua [1351?] February 24
Invitation to travel to Rome and to restore the Roman
Precipitium horret epistola

2. Charles IV to Petrarch. — [Prague 1351 spring]
Rejection of imperial policy and justification for its wait-and-see approach
Laureata tui gratanter

3. Petrarch to Charles IV — [Avignon 135 2 spring?]
Another invitation to travel to Rome.
Olim tibi, princeps inclyte

4. John of Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1352/53]
Connection of correspondence.
Vtinam Parnasei fluminis

5. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — [Avignon? Milan?
Defense of the praise given to him.
Et quanto, putas, gaudio

6. Petrarch to Charles IV — [Milan 1353?] November 23
Third invitation to travel to Rome and refutation of the imperial counter-arguments.
Cesareo's apices triennio fere

7. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch [?]. — [Prague 1354 spring?]
About the stylistic art of one from the addressee to the emperor
addressed letter. Request for his friendship and wish him
to get to know personally.
Aureis redimita monilibus

8. Petrarch to Charles IV — [Milan 1354 mid-October]
Congratulations on starting the trip to Rome.
Et gaudium ingena

9. Petrarch to Charles IV — Milan [1355] February 25
Recommended by his friend Laelius.
Vide quantum michi

10. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [1355 March?]
Notification of the favorable reception of his letter of recommendation
at the Emperor and regret that its use in a
other matter cannot be granted.
Saphirei i'undamenti ymagiuacio

11. Petrarch to Charles IV — [Milan 1355 June]
Disappointment and allegations about the flight-like withdrawal of the
Emperors of Rome and Italy immediately after the coronation.
Thanks for a loan that was brought to him as a farewell
ancient Caesar coin.
Italos fines et claustra

12. John of Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1356/57]
Thanks for an [unknown] letter and promise that the memory of his dulcis Franoiscus will never fade from his heart
De fecundo pectore Phebus

13. Petrarch to the Archbishop of Prague. — Milan [1357]
April 30 or 29
Why not everything that is on his heart, the paper
can trust. Remembering last year's visit to Prague.
Multa animo conceperam

14. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Milan [1357] April
30 or 29
New defense of the homage. Thanks for the artful execution of the Count Palatine diploma bestowed on him by the Emperor and request,
the gold of the bull that the knight brought to Sagremor as a sign
accept his gratitude.
Ni luce clarius intelligamous

15. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1357?]
If his own magpie squawk, no comparison with either
allow the master's speech, he is nevertheless happy to be able to grasp its euphony and meaning and is grateful for further letters.
Persuasiua dulcedo rethorice

16. Petrarch to Charles IV — Milan [1358] March 25
Please tim the knight Sagremor di Pommiers for his merits
to take the empire into imperial service.
Audaces et timidos amor facit

17. Petrarch to Archbishop Ernest of Prague. — Milan [1358]
March 25
Ask to intercede for the knight Sagremor who has the wish
has to devote himself entirely to the imperial service.
Multa loqui temporia

18. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Milan [1358] March 25
Request its use for the knight Sagremor with the emperor
support. Rejection of the constant self-diminution of the
Chancellor in matters of style. Willingness, the qold bull of
to keep the diploma.
Venit ad Cesarem Saceramor

19. Petrarch to the Empress Anna. — Milan [1358] May 23
Congratulations on the birth of a daughter. Catalog of the famous
women of antiquity.
Do serenitatis epistolam

20. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Milan [1355? 1359?]
March 25
Like the ancient Roman people, the affection of foreigners
kings with enduring friendship, while the patriotism of his own great men mostly with the blackest
Ingratitude was worth it, so all of Italy should give to the one in the Germanic north
and far from the Helicon-born chancellor because of his zeal for
the classical studies and because of his services to the worthy
Restoration of the language of the Reichsregister highest recognition and his name will be a permanent memory
Quo sepius, care father

21. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1358/59?]
Thank you for the friendship you expressed in a letter and request that you send me the work De viris iliustribus.
Stili magistralis apparatus

22 Petrarch to Charles IV — Milan [1361] March 21
Rejection of the imperial invitation to Prague. resumption
of the earlier calls to Italy. Protest against the sworn bonds
of the emperor to the papal chair.
Letum me fecit epistola

23 Petrarch to Charles IV — Milan [1361] March 21
Reports on two forged Austrian privileges of freedom allegedly issued by Caesar and Nero.
Claudum usquequaque mendacium est

24. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Milan [1361] March 21
Ask him to the Emperor about the frank tone of the last letter
to excuse. Presentation of the Carmen Bucolicum.
Vnde hoc michi

25. Petrarch to Charles IV — [Between Spring 1361 and Spring 1363]
Request for an honorable pension for the emperor and
Rich well-deserved knight Sagremor di Pommiers.
Tacitus transire decreueram

26 Petrarch to Charles IV — Padua [1361] July 18
Thanks for a golden goblet that the Emperor brought with him
sent a new, more urgent invitation. Postponing the decision about the trip until after the summer.
Suauiores multo quam

27. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — [Padua 1361 July 18?]
Advice from a young Italian who appealed to the imperial
Quod ex meis multis

28. Charles IV to Petrarch. — [Prague? late 1361 or early 1362] 134
Third request for a visit to the imperial court. Notification that he was writing to the gentlemen of Milan at the same time to ask for their consent to this trip.
Affectu magno videndi te

29. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1361 second
half or 1362 beginning]
Expectation that the poet of the imperial invitation now
will follow. Please, among other things, the Remedia utriusque
bring luck.
Sicut Astaroth in presencia

30. Petrarch to Charles IV. — Milan [1362] March 21
Acceptance of the invitation and announcement of departure.
Vicisti, Cesar, et longe nie

31. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Milan [1362] March 21
New censure for belittling his own style. Report,
that he would start the journey.
Miras es, mi domine

32. Johann von Neumarkt to Petrarch. — [Prague 1362/63]
Please send a comment on the Eclogens.
Rogo vos instance

33. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — [Venice 1363 March 11?]
Surprise at the unusual salutation with 'Your. concern,
that his letters to Prague explaining the failure of the travel plan had not arrived.
Non exiguum in stuporem

34. Petrarch to Charles IV — Venice [1363] March 11
Another reminder to take care of Italian affairs.
Vereor ue tarn creber

35. Petrarch to Johann von Neumarkt. — Venice [1363?] August 26
Thanks for an unsuccessful effort by the Chancellor on his behalf
at the emperor. Please continue correspondence. Recommended by a young friend who wants to study in Prague.
Ergo quia non potes

36. Petrarch to Charles IV — Padua [1365] December 11
Last call for the reestablishment of the Roman Empire.
Fessns preteriti nee futuri fidens


Attachment of the same book (page numbers are skipped)

I. Petrarch on his journey to France, the Netherlands
and Germany (1333). Aachen and the legend of Charlemagne's love magic
Fern. 13 .• To Cardinal Giovanni Colonna.
Gallias ego noper

II. Petrarch on his visit to Cologne
Fern. 14: To Cardinal Giovanni Colonna.
Aquis digressum, sed

III. Petrarch on one expected for 1352 and not carried out
Charles IV's march to Rome
Made of fern. XV5 to Abbot Peter of St. Remy.
[Miro quidem et nouo]... In eo sane quod

IV. Petrarch recommends a young Low German returning home from Italy
Fern. XVII7: To Bernardo Anguissola, Podesta of Como.
Misi ad te non

V. Petrarch on his visit to Charles IV in Mantua.
1. From Fern. XIX2 to Zanobi da Strada 180
Tempus breue magnum aoribendi desiderium
2. Fern. XIX3: To Laelius 182
Credulum amorem ait Naso

VI. Further statements by Petrarch about Charles IV's first trip to Rome.
1. About the coronation in Milan and the extraordinary
Cold of winter 1354
Made of fern. XX14 to Lello.
[Crescens occupatio]... Magna siquidem parte
2. About the arrival of the Viscontic contingent of troops in
Pisa and Charles IV's negotiations with the Florentines
From family XXl to Neri Morando.
Grauem curis obsessumque
3. About Charles IV's meeting with the papal legate in
Pisa, his obsequiousness to the papal
chair and its hasty departure from Rome. Further
News about Lello
Fern. XX2: To Neri Morando.
Nondum superiori e-pistol
4. About the poetic coronation of Zanobis da Strada
From the Prefatio to the Invectivae contra medicum.
Zenobius noster, uir doctus
5. About the Kaiser's hasty return to Germany 204
From De vita solitaria Hb. II 4,3.
... Cesar called noster

VII. Petrarch on his embassy trip to Prague.
1. Announcement of the trip
Fam.XIX13: To Francesco Nelli.
0! predura sors mortalium
2. About his stay in Basel and the earthquake there
on October 18, 1356
From Sen. X2 to Guido's side.
... Anno inde septimo
3. About the same earthquake
From De remediis utriusque fortunae Hb. II 91.
... At ne eunta sequar
4. About the journey through the German forests
Atts Sen. XI to Sagremor di Pommiers.
[Semper et uiuis uoeibus]... Martinus Theotonus ille
5. About the copy of the c Confessions* of Augustine which he
carried on the journey 214
Sen. XV 7 [XIV7]: To Luigi Marsigli.
Merita de te mea
6. Notification of Return. Detailed description plan
his travel impressions
Fern. XIX14: To Francesco Nelli.
Te meditabar abiens
7. In Germany he was only fully aware of the beauty of Italy
realized. Why he the promised epistle
de Italie laudibus could not complete
Fern. XIX15: To Francesco Nelli.
Poscis ut epiatolam de Italie laudibus
8. About the duration of the trip and its lack of results
From Sen. XVI2 [XVII2] to Boccaccio.
(Epistola status tui nuncia]... Si dicam'nullum diem perdidi'
VIII. The Imperial Palatine Diploma for Petrarch
In nomine sancte etc. Venerable Francisco Petraccho .. . Etsi off
Imperatorie maiestatis

IX. Two secret calls for help from Petrarch to Emperor Charles IV. (Aus
unsent letters).
1. The emperor may the cardinals and the pope, if necessary,
forcibly returned to Rome
From Ep. sine nomine No. 19
[Euasisti, erupisti, enatastij .. . 0 crudelis et impia secta
2. The Emperor may Italy from the foreign bands of mercenaries
liberate 228
Fern. XXIII1.
Loquor quia cogor

X. Petrarch on his intended second trip to Prague.
1. About simultaneous invitations to the Neapolitan,
French, imperial and papal court. consideration
a move to Vaucluse
Sen. 12 [II]: To Francesco Nelli.
Iam ante literularum tuarum
2. About the imminent departure for Germany
From a lost letter to Boccaccio.
Ego autem, o res hominum
3. The trip to Germany should not mean permanent relocation. Your prevention is not undesirable to him
From Sen. 15 [14] to Boccaccio.
Magnis me monstris
4. About the interruption of the planned trip to Vaucluse
and Prague
From Sen. 13 [12] to Francesco Nelli.
[Pergratam meis vulneribus]... Reliquum est ut
5. Why he gave up the trip to Germany
From the Ep. Variae: To Modius of Parma.
Deo duce incolumis

XI. Petrarch on his correspondence with Charles IV.
From Sen. VII to Urban V.
[Aliquamdiu, father beatissime] ... Sunt quos natura

XII. Petrarch's hopes in Urban's V. unanimous cooperation with Charles IV.
From Sen. VII to Urban V.
[Aliquamdiu pater beatissime]... Quam ob rem vobis

XIII. Petrarch as a negotiator between Emperor Charles IV and the
Visconti in 1368
From a letter to Giovannolo da Mandello.
Sera equidem, amice optime

XIV. Petrarch reports a statement by Emperor Frederick II
the national character of the Italians and the Germans.
From Sen. II


Demogorgon and Boccaccio ... -1.4678228
automatic translation .... https://www-sueddeutsche-de.translate.g ... r_pto=wapp ... sequence=1
Paolo Cherchi: The Inventors of Things in Boccaccio’s De genealogia deorum gentilium ... page 244
Giuseppe Mazzotta: Boccaccio’s Critique of Petrarch .... page 270
The second text (Mazzotta) contains also the word "Trionfi"
After evoking Eternity and Nature, Boccaccio turns to the phantasmagoria of the natural sequence of created beings. From the Earth – the eighth of the nine daughters of Demogorgon – are born five children, among whom is Fama, love, death (Erebus), and time. It is difficult to resist recalling the ordered, progressive, hierarchical ascent of Petrarch’s Trionfi (love, time, fame, death, and Eternity), which Boccaccio dismantles. The neat rank ordering is displaced, and with it, Petrarch’s luminous self-consciousness plunges into the opacity of the mythology of Demogorgon who transcends all order and all individualities.
Pronapides the Athenian .... ... ides-bio-1


We had the Demogorgon earlier, in 2011, in context of "Trionfo de Sogni 1566 - 21 Trionfi with gods"

MikeH recently directed me to the "Amorosa Visione", according Wikipedia
Amorosa visione (1342, revised c. 1365) is a narrative poem by Boccaccio, full of echoes of the Divine Comedy and consisting of 50 canti in terza rima. It tells of a dream in which the poet sees, in sequence, the triumphs of Wisdom, Earthly Glory, Wealth, Love, all-destroying Fortune (and her servant Death), and thereby becomes worthy of the now heavenly love of Fiammetta. The triumphs include mythological, classical and contemporary medieval figures. Their moral, cultural and historical architecture was without precedent, and led Petrarch to create his own Trionfi on the same model. Among contemporaries Giotto and Dante stand out, the latter being celebrated above any other artist, ancient or modern.
Italian wikipedia:
automatic translation:
https://it-m-wikipedia-org.translate.go ... r_pto=wapp
A part of it ...

The protagonist, who has been struck by Cupid 's arrows of love for Fiammetta, falls asleep and dreams of wandering through deserted places when he meets a woman who invites him to follow him and leads him to a castle which has two doors , the one on the right it is small and narrow and leads to virtue , while the one on the left is large and wide and promises wealth and worldly glory.
Allowing himself to be persuaded by two young men, he chooses the widest door and goes through numerous rooms on whose walls are frescoed the triumphs of Wisdom , Glory, the Avars , Love , Fortune and a kind woman . Thus he convinces himself " that these well-earned are truly / those who put each one under the grip of vices " [2] and follows his guide so that it leads him to see things " glorious and eternal "
[3] .
First he sees a marble fountain on which stand out four caryatids symbolically representing the four cardinal virtues , three small statues of women, symbol of pure love, carnal love and venal love and three animal heads , a lion , a bull and a wolf symbolizing pride , lust and avarice .
He then enters a garden where graceful women stroll and he recognizes Fiammetta among them. The two walk away in a " loco (...) all alone " [4] but when he tries to possess the desired woman, the dream vanishes. Awakened, he thus finds himself next to the guide who scolds him and tells him that he will be able to achieve what he desires only by following virtue and leaving worldly goods.
The poem ends with an invocation to the beloved woman to be compassionate towards him : [5] .

"Therefore, kind and valiant woman,
of beauty as a source of sunlight,
look at the flame that hides
inside my chest, and extinguish it
by being pitying towards me"
The descriptions contradict each other. Another Italian wikipedia page ... ... _Boccaccio ...
has another description, which present as automatic translation:
It is a poem in tercets divided into fifty cantos.
The actual narration is preceded by a proem consisting of three sonnets which, taken together, form an immense acrostic in the sense that they are composed of words whose letters (vowels and consonants) correspond in an orderly and progressive manner to the respective initial letters of each tercet of the poem.

The story describes the dreamlike experience of Boccaccio who, under the guidance of a kind woman, arrives at a castle, on whose walls allegorical scenes are represented featuring illustrious characters from the past. In more detail, the triumphs of Wisdom, Glory, Love and Wealth are represented in one room, and that of Fortune in the other.
It is inevitable to point out clear affinities and non-latent influence with the almost contemporary "Triumphs" of Petrarch.
Furthermore, the precise description of the frescoes has allowed some critics to identify the Boccacciano castle with Castel Nuovo in Naples, frescoed by Giotto. After having dwelt with display of erudition on the beauties of the frescoes, Boccaccio passes into a garden where he meets Madonna Fiammetta and tries to abuse her in her sleep.

The timely awakening of the woman and the fact that she reminds the poet of the danger of the imminent return of her guide prevent the act from taking place. In fact, shortly thereafter the "gentle woman" returns stating that the poet will be able to achieve full possession of her beloved by leading a life marked by the virtuous precepts whose learning had been the essential purpose of the journey.

The work owes several debts to Dante and the Divine Comedy, especially as regards the experience of the "Visio in somnis" and the guidance of a "gentle woman", but the strong tendency towards emancipation of Boccaccio should also be underlined : while Dante follows in all respects the dictates of Beatrice, Boccaccio in numerous cases rebels against the patronage of the guide, for example in preferring the wide road of worldliness, with its fatuous attractions to the narrow and impervious one that leads to virtue. The sublime tone contrasts with the comedy of certain situations (primarily the meeting with Fiammetta) so that some critics have thought of a parodic intent on the part of Boccaccio towards the didactic allegorical poem.
Castle Novove Naples
Huck Oldest German Trionfi poem translation

Earliest German Trionfi poem translation 1578 by Daniel Federmann (Memmingen) ... navlinks_s
Sechs Triumph Francisci Petrarche ... Auss höchster Italianisch Tuscanischer Sprach ... inn zirliche Teutsche Verss gebracht. Sampt einer nohtwendigen Ausslegung und Erklerung ... vormals inn Teutsch nie aussgangen.
Durch D. Federman ... Neben darzu gehörigen künstlichen Figuren, etc.
by Francesco Petrarca
Peter Perna, 1578 in Basel - 457 Seiten



see also: ... in.Trionfi


"Die Vorlage für den Holzschnitt wird Christoph Murer (1558–1614) zugeschrieben; die Zeichnung befindet sich im Kunstmuseum Basel, Kupferstichkabinett, Birmann-Sammlung 1859 – Inv. Bi.257.23"