Ancestors of Prince Fibbia
Posted: 23 Feb 2021, 22:02
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According Andrea Vitali the male line between the great condottiero Castruccio and Prince Fibbia runs ....
Castruccio (died 1328 with 3 sons) - Enrico or Arrigo (died 1357 in Bologna as a head of a rebellion) - Orlando (died 1391 after having a lot of occupations outside of Lucca) - Prince Fibbia and brothers.
The article below ends with a note, that all male descendents of the great condottieri were dead with a heavy plague in 1399. " With the death of Orlando's children and the death of Vallerano di Vallerano's children, which occurred by plague in 1399, Castruccio Castracani's male lineage died out.".
That's a contradiction to the thesis of Andrea Vitali. But - naturally - a plague can create situations, that persons, which are declared as dead, in reality still live.
25. Bottero, A. (1942). ‘La peste in Milano nel 1399–1400 e l’opera di Giangaleazzo
Visconti.’ Atti e Memorie dell’Academia di Storia del Arte Sanitaria, ser. 2, no. 8.
Storiadimilano.it has ...
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ca ... rafico%29/
According Andrea Vitali the male line between the great condottiero Castruccio and Prince Fibbia runs ....
Castruccio (died 1328 with 3 sons) - Enrico or Arrigo (died 1357 in Bologna as a head of a rebellion) - Orlando (died 1391 after having a lot of occupations outside of Lucca) - Prince Fibbia and brothers.
The article below ends with a note, that all male descendents of the great condottieri were dead with a heavy plague in 1399. " With the death of Orlando's children and the death of Vallerano di Vallerano's children, which occurred by plague in 1399, Castruccio Castracani's male lineage died out.".
That's a contradiction to the thesis of Andrea Vitali. But - naturally - a plague can create situations, that persons, which are declared as dead, in reality still live.
I find a book with the title ..CASTRACANI DEGLI ANTELMINELLI , Arrigo, called the Duchino. - Firstborn of Castruccio di Gerio and Pina di Iacopo Streghi da Monteggiori, he was probably born in 1304. Nineteen years old, on 20 sept. 1323, he bought half of a palace in Pontremoli and in 1324 he built the Arrighina fortress and the Ghibellina fortress in Pietrasanta. During the risky dispute with the Florentines for the occupation of Pistoia, C. was associated with his father in the domain, and was appointed captain general and rector for life by the elders of Lucca (18 June 1325); later, when Castruccio was created by Ludovico il Bavaro duke of Lucca, Pistoia, Volterra and Luni (17 Nov. 1327), C. found himself in a leading position as heir and designated successor of his father. On January 17, 1328, the same day of the coronation of Ludovico il Bavaro in Rome, Castruccio signed the marriage contract,which then were not celebrated, by C. with Alasia, daughter of Sciarra Colonna, head of the Roman Ghibellines; the announcement of the engagement marked the culmination of the fortunes of the lord of Lucca. Precisely in those days C. and his brother Vallerano, who remained in Tuscany, were unable to defend Pistoia from the assault of the Florentines led by Filippo di Sangineto, vicar of the Duke of Calabria, and were driven out (January 27, 1328). The unfortunate episode highlighted how many enemies and what pitfalls the young C. would have to juggle to maintain a dominion whose construction was based solely, as the facts will show, on the political and military genius of his father. The latter, promptly returned to Pisa, managed to block any further Florentine action, and to organize the reconquest of Pistoia,which fell into his hands on 3 ag. 1328. After his father died prematurely, who died of fevers on September 3 of that same year, C., designated by his father as his successor by will, suddenly found himself facing very serious problems.
The inheritance was difficult: Castruccio himself, before dying, had suggested that his death be kept secret, to allow his children to take firm hold of the ducal power and, above all, to preserve Pisa, which, although already assigned to Castracani as an imperial vicariate, was ill suited to the dominion of the Lucca. However, the delayed announcement of Castruccio's death was not of substantial use to his heirs: Ludovico il Bavaro, who was in Maremma at the siege of Grosseto, when he learned of the death of the Duke of Lucca, occupied Pisa on 21 September, depriving himself of made the C .; passed to Lucca, on 7 October "he raised noise" and "reformed the land to his lordship", leaving the burgrave Federico of Nuremberg as his vicar; therefore, annoyed byfriendship that his representative showed for the Castracani, confined them and their mother to Pontremoli and created Frederick of Ottingen vicar (nov. 1328). A sedition of German knights, already loyal to Castruccio, forced Bavaro to take milder advice: he granted Pina degli Streghi and her younger sons the income from Monteggiori (December 17) and apparently allowed C. participated in the government. However, since C. was unable to impose his authority in Lucca nor was he able to dominate the opposition of the di Poggio family - so much so that bloody scuffles broke out in the city between the supporters of the opposing factions -, the emperor got rid of the city giving it for 22,000 florins to Francesco Castracani (March 16, 1329), and confined Castruccio's eldest son to Monteggiori. In those very days he failed,for the opposition of the Panciatichi, the Muli, the Gualfreducci and the Vergellesi, an attempt by the Castruccini and the sons of Filippo de 'Tedici, their brother-in-law, to occupy Pistoia.
From this moment on C. - disappointed and resentful - tried every way to regain the domains he had lost almost in the very act of succeeding his father, taking advantage of the precariousness of the political situation in Lucca and the instability of the various governments that succeeded each other in leadership of the city.
The Bavaro then moved to Lombardy, where the Viscontis "did not answer him as he wished, due to the question already raised against Messer Marco" and because he "showed that he was overthrowing the state of Castruccio's sons, who were with the so-called Visconti "(G. Villani). Indeed, Marco Visconti, regardless of the emperor, at the head of 600 German knights, who had mutinied and who were at Cerruglio, near Vivinaia, agreed with other "old gangs of Germans", left to guard the Augusta, and easily occupied Lucca (April 15, 1329). The new owners of the city "mandorano for Arrigo and his brothers ... and when they arrived they wanted to run the land". Negotiations were also started for the sale of Lucca to the Republic of Florence:a precondition for the agreement was the commitment by the Florentines to "forgive and leave Castruccio's children in some citizen state and not gentlemen", a commitment which however seemed unacceptable to Florentine pride.
In reality, the Castracani did not renounce the traditional policy of enmity towards Florence: shortly afterwards they agreed with other exponents of the Ghibelline faction to have Montecatini raised (July 17).
After Lucca was sold to Gherardino Spinola, a Genoese Ghibelline in exile (2 weeks), C., with the support of some Teutonic knights, attempted a coup, which failed (December 27). In 1331 the city, besieged by the Florentines and reduced to a bad start, rather than surrender, offered itself to the King of Bohemia, John of Luxembourg, son of Arrigo VII, who had come to Italy to support Brescia. Two years later, wishing to take advantage of the discontent of the Lucchesi disappointed by the venality of the king, C., who lived in Parma, returned to Tuscany and on the night of 25 Sept. 1331 attacked his hometown, he got the better of the garrisons that defended it. Adhering to his faction they broke into the archives of the Municipality and destroyed the notices following the fall of Castruccio, setting fire to public documents. The triumph was short. King John,after two days, he passed easily through the Augusta, which had not been conquered, and, having reaffirmed his dominion over the city, he banished C. and his supporters as traitors, who managed to maintain, however, until the following year, the occupation of Barga.
During the lordship of Marsilio, Pietro and Rolando Rossi of Parma, who had bought Lucca for 35,000 florins, on 3 October. 1333, the Castracani degli Antelminelli got back the goods they had before the sedition, on condition that their leader, C., committed himself to remain in exile and gave up the fortified places he controlled (31 Oct 1333). The agreement was sealed by the wedding of C. with Costanza di Rolando Rossi, which was solemnly celebrated on "die dominico" 23 Oct 1334 in Parma.
Having passed Lucca from the dominion of the Rossi to that of Mastino Della Scala for 30,000 florins (November 1335), C. maintained friendly relations with the new lord, at least until the Scaligero started negotiations to cede the city to the Municipality of Florence. According to what Sercambi affirms, C., in agreement with Francesco Castracani, then secretly urged the Pisans to intervene in the Lucca question, and - again according to the chronicler - it seems that he was flattered by this with very specific promises. However, until the end of June 1341, C. collected the commission of 3,600 florins per year which was paid to him by Mastino; therefore, he openly broke away from him and passed on to his opponents. Therefore he was declared a rebel, deprived of honors and possessions, which passed, like those of his own, to Chello, Giovanni,Lando and Lemmo da Poggio (8 August 1341).
Although he had validly collaborated in the conquest of the city of Lucca by the Pisans - among other things he had heroically exposed himself in the "held and bitter battle" of October 1341 in which he was captured by the Florentines -, C. did not succeed either aimed at becoming lord of his city. Occupied Lucca, the Pisans in fact entrusted its government not to Castruccio's son, but to his nephew, the lord of Pisa himself, Ranieri Novello della Gherardesca, count of Donoratico (6 July 1342). Irritated against his ancient allies, C. ordì, with the support of Luchino Visconti, a conspiracy to get rid of the lord of Pisa, but he was discovered and took refuge in Garfagnana, while his brother Vallerano was taken prisoner. A new conflict followed, in the course of which C. lost betweenanother is the Corsena castle (1343) which was assigned, with the gabelles, to Francesco Castracani. Less in strength than his opponents, C., on the advice of Spinetta Malaspina, returned to turn for help to Luchino Visconti, then rather resentful towards the Pisans.
C.'s request fell as timely as ever because it offered the Visconti a new opportunity to continue his policy of penetrating Tuscany, which he gave so much thought to the Florentines. At the conclusion of laborious negotiations, during which the Pisans had time to occupy Lucchio and Monteggiori as well, C. received from the Visconti the task of defending the Malaspina and Pietrasanta, and was able to start the new cycle of military operations, which saw Visconti militias were also involved with him. They fought in the Pisan countryside, in Lunigiana, in Val di Serchio, in Versilia; but not even with this war the son of Castruccio was able to be reinstated in the possessions that had belonged to his father. With the peace, which the Pisans had sought almost sincebeginning but which became possible only after the death - it was said by poisoning - of the bishop of Luni, and which was stipulated in Pietrasanta, with the mediation of Filippino Gonzaga on 17 May 1345, Visconti undertook to leave Pietrasanta, Massa, Carrara and how much he held from Lunigiana, in exchange for 80,000 florins; for the heirs of Castruccio he obtained the restitution of the family assets and a prerogative of 250 flowers per month, "not being in Lucca or in the countryside". Disappointed by the peace clauses, C. with his natural brother Altino expressed his disappointment by allowing his people to sack Pietrasanta and other places that were to be ceded to the Pisans. In the following weapons he did not neglect to intervene in the struggles between the Pisan factions, as a supporter of Andrea Gambacorta, head of the Bergolini,against the Raspanti.
Forced to the life of the exile, C. usually resided in Milan: his figure still had to appear very influential, also due to the protection granted him by the Visconti, if in 1349 the count Gherardo della Gherardesca, went to speak with him "in certainly designated place ", it was for this reason alone declared rebellious to the Republic by the Pisan magistrates.
Descended in Italy in 1354 the new emperor, Charles IV of Luxembourg, C. was able to enter the favor of the sovereign, who made him a knight in 1355. The Lucchesi, to free themselves from the Pisan dominion, turned to the emperor, offering him the city . Charles IV, who arrived in Pisa on 18 Jan. 1355, he did not want or could not take a decision on the matter. In this climate of tension and uncertainty, a new attempt by C., his brother Vallerano, and Francesco Castracani was inserted, with the aim of reconstituting a family domain. Lucca would have belonged to the two brothers, while the Garfagnana would have been given to their cousin and his descendants. Even this attempt, however, was destined to fail. Believing that Francesco Castracani had agreed to their detriment with the emperor, C.and his brother killed him in the ducal palace of Massa Pisana (May 19, 1355) and fled, taking refuge first in Pietrasanta, and then in Lombardy.
The natural brother of C., Altino, made Monteggiori and the Argentiera fortress rebel; then, captured by the Pisans, who had urged the emperor to lay siege to Monteggiori, he was beheaded. The C., however, did not lay down his arms and, after the emperor's departure, conquered Verrucchio and Capraia; but it appears that already in February 1356 he was in Bologna where he made his will in the same year, entrusting his son to the protection of the Visconti and Cangrande II Della Scala.
In Bologna, on 11 February 1357, he concluded his spirited life on the scaffold, found guilty of having conspired against Giovanni da Oleggio in favor of the Visconti. With its disappearance, the danger of the Castracani domination of Lucca came to an end and there was a slowdown in the Visconti penetration in Tuscany.
Orlando , son of C., took particular care in restoring the finances of the family; it is known that he rented the Pontremoli palace and other properties. In 1361 he received a commission of 100 gold florins per month from the Municipality of Pisa "by staying where he likes outside the province of Tuscany ... or by approaching the land of Pisa in Lunigiana and Garfagnana for 100 miles". In 1369 he supported the attempt of his cousin Alderigo Antelminelli to take over Lucca. In 1373-75 he served Gregory XI as captain of knights, later he was in the service of Lucca itself, with which he came to a settlement receiving an annual commission for himself and the descendants. He was podestà of Genoa in 1377.
After marrying Simona de 'Fensi of Count Francesco da Prato in 1380, he lent his services to the Genoese and in 1383 became governor of Brescia. Also in 1383 he made a proxy to sell a house in Sarzana; in 1384 he made a proxy with his cousin Giovanni (called Vallerano) of Vallerano, to rent some properties; in these same years he bought a part of the Aghinolfi castle and of Montignoso and obtained by way of restitution of the assets from the Marquis of Massa. To his sons Castruccio, Arrigo and Francesco, Orlando left, with a will of 25 Oct. 1391, a good patrimony, also increased by the conspicuous inheritance of aunt Caterina, Marquise of Mulazzo. With the death of Orlando's children and the death of Vallerano di Vallerano's children, which occurred by plague in 1399, Castruccio Castracani's male lineage died out.
25. Bottero, A. (1942). ‘La peste in Milano nel 1399–1400 e l’opera di Giangaleazzo
Visconti.’ Atti e Memorie dell’Academia di Storia del Arte Sanitaria, ser. 2, no. 8.
Storiadimilano.it has ...
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Giubileo non ufficiale indetto dal papa di Roma Bonifacio IX, che ottiene più successo di quello del 1390, malgrado la peste che aveva colpito proprio Roma.
1400 estate
Epidemia di peste. Gian Galeazzo Visconti si preoccupa di trovare un luogo dove mettere gli appestati e dove seppellire i morti di peste. Nel primi mesi del 1400 viene individuato un terreno fuori Porta Orientale, il locum Caminadellae sulla strada per Cassinetta di Lugagnano. Il terreno viene donato da Gian Galeazzo che lo usava per tenervi i cani. I motivi della scelta di Porta Orientale sono due: i venti non portano quasi mai l'aria da est verso la città; il morbo giungeva in generale da Venezia.