Re: Collection John of Rheinfelden
11Jönsson seems to have lost interest. It has been nearly two decades since he wrote anything on it.
https://www.sol.lu.se/en/person/ArneJonsson/Mediaeval playing cards
"Der Ludus cartularum moralisatus des Johannes von Rheinfelden", in: Schweizer Spielkarten 1: Die Anfänge im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert. Schaffhausen 1998, pp. 135–147.
"Card-playing as a Mirror of Society – On Johannes of Rheinfelden's Ludus cartularum moralisatus", in: Ferm, Olle och Volker Honemann (eds.), Chess and Allegory in the Middle Ages (Sällskapet Runica et Mediævalia, Münster, Stockholm and Uppsala Universities), Stockholm 2005, pp. 359–372.
Editio princeps av Johannes von Rheinfelden, Ludus cartularum. Work in progress
A riot on 26 February 1376, known as Böse Fasnacht, led to the killing of a number of men of Leopold III, Duke of Austria. This was seen as a serious breach of the peace, and the city council blamed "foreign ruffians" for this and executed twelve alleged perpetrators. Leopold nevertheless had the city placed under imperial ban, and in a treaty of 9 July, Basel was given a heavy fine and was placed under Habsburg control. To free itself from Habsburg hegemony, Basel joined the Swabian League of Cities in 1385, and many knights of the pro-Habsburg faction, along with duke Leopold himself, were killed in the Battle of Sempach the following year. A formal treaty with Habsburg was made in 1393.
Duke Leopold III of Habsburg became later the grandfather of Fredrick III, emperor and ancestor of a long row of more Habsburg emperors.The Battle of Sempach was fought on 9 July 1386, between Leopold III, Duke of Austria and the Old Swiss Confederacy. The battle was a decisive Swiss victory in which Duke Leopold and numerous Austrian nobles died. The victory helped turn the loosely allied Swiss Confederation into a more unified nation and is seen as a turning point in the growth of Switzerland.
[This Johannes Teuto is not to be identified with the other Johannes Teuto, also named Joannes Lector. This one is in the first Part of the Quietif/Echard, he died in 1314:Pag. 729 post F.Johannes de Taurino, Addendus:
F. JOHANNES TEUTO
F. JOHANNES TEUTO; & hic provinciae Teutoniae alumnus, sed cuius nec patria nec domus professionis proferuntur. Scripsit librum hoc titulo:
Tractatus de moribus & disciplina humanis conversationis chartarum lusum moraliter sex capitulum exponens
Extat codex MS in Caesarea.
[Add on page 729 after F.Johannes de Taurino
F. JOHANNES TEUTO
F. JOHANNES TEUTO; & former member of this German Province, however of which neither the origin nor his profession were brought out [found out]. He wrote the book with this title:
A treatise on morals and the discipline of human behavior, on card-game morally played, explained in six chapters
Exists as codex MS in the library of Caesarea [which was the central library of Dominicans collecting all books of the order]]
(b) In his entry “Johannes von Rheinfelden” in the still actual Verfasser-Datenbank (De Gruyter, 2012), a dictionary of all German authors:Wenn Johannes im erhaltenen Text versichert, er wisse nicht, wann, durch wen und wo das Kartenspiel erfunden wurde („Quo tempore autem ludus cartularum factus sit, per quem et ubi penitus ignoro“), so folgt er in der Fragestellung seinem Vorbild, der Schachallegorie des Jacobus de Cessolis, deren erste beide Kapitel überschrieben sind „Sub quo ludus est inventus“ und „Quis ludum invenerit“
[If Johannes secures in the text, that he does not know, when, by whom and how the card game was invented („Quo tempore autem ludus cartularum factus sit, per quem et ubi penitus ignoro“), he follows for his questions his model, which is the chess allegory of Jacobus de Cessolis, of which the first two chapters bear the titles „Sub quo ludus est inventus“ und „Quis ludum invenerit“]
This analysis of Rosenfeld is confirmed by the structure and titles of chapters within the respective parts Jönsson reports for the JvR-tractatus, see Jönsson (2005), pp. 364-365.Im 2. Teil (38r-116v) will J. die Moral der Vornehmen stärken. Er hält sich dabei (mit kleiner Änderung der Reihenfolge) genau an die 5 Kapitel der Schachallegorie, indem er König, Königin, Principalis princeps, Principales und Principales miliciae behandelt.
Im 3. Teil (117r- 183r) will J. die populares in tugendlichem Handeln unterrichten, hat aber statt der 8 Fenden-Kapitel der Schachallegorie 12 Kapitel verwandt. Nach 2 allgemeinen Kapiteln über die mechanici [artes mechanicae; vh0610] und die Frage, warum es sie noch nicht im Paradies gegeben habe, handelt er (unter Anlehnung an die Reihe der Eigenkünste [erneut 7 artes mechanicae gegenüber den 7 artes liberales; vh0610]) im 3. [Kapitel] […; es folgt eine Aufzählung von 10 Berufsgruppen], so daß die Welt als geordneter Kosmos erscheint, in dem jeder weltliche Beruf eine wichtige Funktion hat. Die geistlichen Stände läßt er aus.
[In the 2nd part (38r-116v) J. wants to strengthen the moral of the nobles. Thereby, he follows (with a slight change of the sequence) exactly the 5 chapters of the chess allegory, by dealing with king, queen, principalis princeps, principales and principales miliciae.
In the 3rd part (117r- 183r) J. wants to teach the populares in virtuous action, but instead of the 8 chapters of the Fenden [the pawns; vh0610] in the chess allegory, he uses 12 chapters. After 2 general chapters on the mechanici [artes mechanicae; vh0610] and the question, why they were not already there in paradise, he treats (in dependence on the Eigenkünste [again: 7 artes mechanicae opposed to 7 artes liberales; vh0610]) in the 3. [chapter] […; it follows a list of 10 groups of professions], so that the world appears as an ordered cosmos, in which every mundane profession has an important function. He leaves out the clerical stands/ranks.]
The English translation onThe second section is divided into five chapters describing, respectively, the five different chess pieces in the first row: (1) king, (2) queen, (3) alphinus (judge), (4) knight, and (5) rook (legate). Each piece is described in terms of its clothing, its symbols of power, the moral significance of those symbols, and—most important—the way a represented by the piece must behave in society. Jacopo narrates several exempla to illustrate the kind of behavior he has in mind for each person.
Note that the book speaks about 13 [sic!] figures -- interestingly, the “It concerns the form of the noble pieces, describing each of the thirteen figures.” is not in the de Cessolis original, as far as I can tell from the sources given above, see e.g.The second part of The Book of Chess begins here. It concerns the form of the noble pieces, describing each of the thirteen figures. It is divided into five chapters. The first tells about the form of the king, his character and matters that pertain to him; the second, about the form and character of the queen; the third, the form and character of the elders; the fourth, the character and duties of the knights; and the fifth, the character and duties of the rooks.
It is clear that Part 2 and Part 3 of as well JvR and Cessolis coincide by content, respectively, adapted to cards by JvR.1. On the reason for the invention of the chess game (Tractatus primus de causa inventionis ludi sacaccorum)
2. On the officer [noble] chess figures (Tractatus secundus de formis scaccorum nobilium)
3. On the pawn [popular] chess figures and their obligatiotions and professions (Tractatus tertius des formis et officiis popularium)
4. On the rules of the game (Tractatus quartus de motu et progressu eorum)
The archetype can be the 1429 version or an older version, as Jönsson proposes.[…] müssen sie dem Wortlaut des Archetyps, der gemeinsamen Vorlage der vier Manuskripte, entsprechen. Der Archetyp ist zwar kaum identisch mit Johannes‘ Original, denn dieses muss Abbildungen von Karten enthalten haben, die offensichtlich nicht in den Archetyp übernommen wurden
[[…] they must be identical with the wording of the archetype, which is the model of the four manuscripts. The archetype is, however, hardly identical with the original of Johannes, since this one must have had depictions of cards, which clearly were not transferred to the archetype]
Note that this is a war game, in which there are no queens and no maiden of honours. Hence there is a contradiction between the justification for the cards in Part 1 as a war game, and the description of a court game and the ordered world in Part 2 and Part 3.Wenn diese Bedingungen erfüllt sind, kann man erfolgreich kämpfen und den Sieg gewinnen. […] Hier findet man die Teilnehmer, den König und seine Anführer, die Marschälle. Die gewöhnlichen Soldaten sind selbstverständlich durch die Zahlenkarten vertreten, die vom König befehligt werden.
[If these conditions are fulfilled, one can fight succesfully and win the victory. […] Here are the participants, the king and his leaders, the marshals. The common soldiers are evidently represented by the number cards, which are under the command of the king].
Note that the author has to convince the reader –and himself, in my eyes—why he prefers the game of 60 cards over the one of 52 cards, making a transition from a war game to a court game. He does so by taking de Cessolis book as a model for Part 2 and Part 3 – and the number 13 of the number of cards of the original deck (king, 2 marschalli, 10 pip cards) being equivalent with the number of the different chess figures in Cessolis book (5 plus 8) builds him the bridge for this adaptation.[…] wie Johannes sagt, der Zweck der Karten ist es, den Hof des Königs in seiner Ganzheit zu symbolisieren, und dieser Hof würde ohne Königin und Magd unvollständig sein. Kein König kann sein Leben ohne Gemahlin führen und zwar aus zwei Gründen: Er muss Kinder haben, und es gehört sich auch so des Anstands wegen. […] Der König ist also unbedingt auf eine Königin angewiesen, und deshalb ist das Spiel zu 60 Karten mit Königin und Magd unbedingt demjenigen zu 52 Karten ohne die beiden vorzuziehen.
[[…] as Johannes says, the purpose of the cards is to symbolize the court of the king in its wholeness, and this court would be incomplete without queen and maid. No king can lead a life without wife, out of two reasons: he needs to have children, and it follows the rule of decency. […] The king needs in all cases a Queen, and thus the game with 60 cards with Queen and Maid is clearly to be preferred over the game with 52 cards without them [Queen and Maid].]
becomes significant at this stage:“as well the translation of Kopp (1977) and the one of Bond (1878) can be read in the sense, that JvR invented the game with 60 cards/figures when sitting around and considering the proximity of the world and the cards.”
One possible event making JvR rethink the situation and his first version of the tractatus can simply be that he gets into contact with a 4 * 14 deck containing already the queen – a northern Italian one for example.If playing-cards had only just arrived in the neighborhood of Basel in 1377, we would expect one form, not the range of mutations cited, …[for] a new game can travel quickly whereas new forms of a game evolve slowly.
[p 391] Zum Verſtändniß der höhern Geſelligkeit der Renaiſſance iſt endlich weſentlich zu wiſſen, daß das Weib dem Manne gleich geachtet wurde.
[For understanding the higher society of the Renaissance it is decisive to know that women were respected as being equivalent to men.]
[p 392] Vor Allem iſt die Bildung des Weibes in den höchſten Ständen weſentlich dieſelbe wie beim Manne. Es erregt den Italienern der Renaiſſance nicht das geringſte Bedenken, den literariſchen und ſelbſt den philologiſchen Unterricht auf Töchter und Söhne gleichmäßig wirken zu laſſen (S. 215); da man ja in dieſer neuantiken Cultur den höchſten Beſitz des Lebens erblickte, ſo gönnte man ſie gerne auch den Mädchen.
[First and foremost, the education of women in the highest ranks is principally the same as for men. Italians of the Renaissance don’t have the least concern to let the literary and even the philological tuition have equally its effects as well on daughters and sons; since one saw in this newantique culture the highest property, one granted it also willingly to the girls.]
In this light, the insertion of the queens in the Italian 4 * 14 deck symbolizes the transition from a pure war game to a court game. I propose that this transition took also place at the courts in Northern Italy in view of Ortalli, G. (1996). The Prince and the Playing Cards: The Este Family and the Role of Courts at the Time of the Kartenspiel-Invasion. Ludica, 2, 175-181.[p. 393] Denn mit der Bildung entwickelt ſich auch der Individualismus in den Frauen höherer Stände auf ganz ähnliche Weiſe wie in den Männern […] In Italien haben ſchon während des ganzen XV. Jahrhunderts die Gemahlinnen der Herrſcher und vorzüglich die der Condottieren faſt alle eine beſondere, kenntliche Phyſiognomie, und nehmen an der Notorietät, ja am Ruhme ihren Antheil […] Von einer aparten, bewußten „Emancipation“ iſt gar nicht die Rede, weil ſich die Sache von ſelber verſtand. Die Frau von Stande mußte damals ganz wie der Mann nach einer abgeſchloſſenen, in jeder Hinſicht vollendeten Perſönlichkeit ſtreben.
[Because with the education, also the individualism within women of higher ranks developed in a similar way as within men […] In the whole XI. century, the wifes of the rulers and especially of the dukes [the former condottieri;vh0610] do have nearly all a specific, recognizable physiognomics, and they take part in the notoriety, even in the glory […] There is no notion of a separated, conscious “emancipation”, since the matter was clear in itself. Women of ranks had to strive – in an equal sense as men-- for a completed, in any perspective perfected personality. ]
A newly arrived game in 1377 cannot be at the same time have become so common that kids play it on the streets. Note that cards were certainly not easily available before there was not the necessary infrastructure for it. You have to have an abundance of cards that must be cheap before children can play with them on the streets. Note that the first papermill in Germany was founded in 1390 in Nuremberg, and the next one (geographically closer to Freiburg) in 1392 at Ravensburg.Kartenspielen ist so gewöhnlich geworden, dass die Strassen voller Kinder sind, die auf den Strassen spielen
[Playing cards have become so common, that the streets are full of children playing on the streets]
This was your translation ...In his entry “Johannes von Rheinfelden” in the still actual Verfasser-Datenbank (De Gruyter, 2012), a dictionary of all German authors:
Im 2. Teil (38r-116v) will J. die Moral der Vornehmen stärken. Er hält sich dabei (mit kleiner Änderung der Reihenfolge) genau an die 5 Kapitel der Schachallegorie, indem er König, Königin, Principalis princeps, Principales und Principales miliciae behandelt.
This is the opinion of google on the question ?[ "Principalis princeps" Cessolis ]?In the 2nd part (38r-116v) J. wants to strengthen the moral of the nobles. Thereby, he follows (with a slight change of the sequence) exactly the 5 chapters of the chess allegory, by dealing with king, queen, principalis princeps, principales and principales miliciae.
and then follows a single link as a reply ...It looks like there aren't many great matches for your search
... precisely the link which leads to the comment of Rosenfeld and nothing else.Johannes von Rheinfelden - De Gruyter https://www.degruyter.com › vdbo.vlma.2091 › html
Name: Jacobus de Cessolis OP ... Kapitel der Schachallegorie, indem er König, Königin, Principalis princeps, Principales und Principales miliciae behandelt.
[A personal remark on Rosenfeld: as you, Huck, already know – and I am opening this to the public of this very forum--: I do not like at all the attitude and the style of Rosenfeld in many of his publications. He was a university professor of medieval culture and literature in Munich and has in my eyes the academic style of pre-1968 as a kind of demi-god [perhaps one even has to erase the “demi-”]. He even makes undercomplex comments as the tarots being a child game etc. (in Rosenfeld (1975)) – you find quite some of these bizarre statements in his articles.In the 2nd part (38r-116v) J. wants to strengthen the moral of the nobles. Thereby, he follows (with a slight change of the sequence) exactly the 5 chapters of the chess allegory, by dealing with king, queen, principalis princeps, principales and principales miliciae.
This passage is quite strangely located at the cited place, because directly in front of it you find the famous boat-passage.But the subject of this treatise may be compared with the game of chess, for in both there are kings, queens, and chief nobles, and common people, so that both games may be treated in a moral sense.
This “But the subject of this treatise may be compared with the game of chess […]” is totally unconnected to the preceding phrase by sense, it is clearly inserted in a later version.[…] return into the boat and proceed onwards as before. But the subject of this treatise may be compared with the game of chess […]