Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

31
Thanks for this ...
Phaeded wrote ...
Minor point here on the wedding date of Malatesta to Polissena Sforza, but the incontestable source is Giusti, who is by Malatesta's side at this point, so we can at least pinpoint near or on 12 August 1441:

[1441] Sabato a dì 12 d’agosto in Rimino andai a visitare el signore messer Gismondo, che era in que’ dì tornato di Lombardia e aveva tolto per moglie la figliuola del magnifico conte Francesco Sforza. [Fece buona accoglienza e gran dimestichezza].
Saturday the 12th of August in Rimini I went to visit the his Lord Gismondo, who had returned from Lombardy at that date and had taken the daughter of the magnificent Count Francesco Sforza as his wife. [He was warmly received and very familiar.
Naturally one cannot be totally secure about the date, cause Giusti might have mistaken a promise of the side of Sforza for a real wedding. One could marry in this without the presence of one the future partners.

Phaeded ...
Finally Goro Dati's description of the St. John's procession, roughly contemporary (c. 1420) to the cassone above:
....
https://italian-renaissance-theatre.syd ... ovanni.pdf
An interesting description from, as you say, c1420 of the San Giovanni festival in Florence.
I miss in the description the appearance of chariots, which in later documents defintely play a larger role, at least in the 1450s.
Is this a result (or a reason) of the success of Petrarca's Trionfi poem and the following Trionfi fashion?
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

32
Huck wrote: 03 Sep 2023, 07:56
An interesting description from, as you say, c1420 of the San Giovanni festival in Florence.
I miss in the description the appearance of chariots, which in later documents defintely play a larger role, at least in the 1450s.
Is this a result (or a reason) of the success of Petrarca's Trionfi poem and the following Trionfi fashion?
Dati describes the overall tenor of the festivities as "triumphal," and also the cart of the palio-prize itself, a "triumphal car" (carretta triunfale).
On the morning of the feast day of
St John, if you go to look at the
Piazza de’ Signori, it looks like a
marvellous and magnificent
triumph,
almost too much to take
in. Around the great piazza there
are a hundred towers that look like
gold; some carried on carts
, others
by porters; and these are called
ceri, made out of wood and paper
and wax, with gold and colours
and figures in relief, and hollow
inside: and inside men stand and
make the ceri and the figures turn
continuously.

Then the Lords of the Mint go to
make their offering, with a
magnificent cero, born on a richly
decorated cart, drawn by a pair of
oxen
, caparisoned with the
emblem and the arms of the Mint,
and the Lords of the Mint are
accompanied by about four
hundred venerable men, members
and their employees of the
Merchant’s Guild and of the
Bankers guild; each with beautiful
wax torches in hand, each
weighing one pound.

The palio is carried on a triumphal
car with four wheels, decorated by
four lions, carved so that they
seem to be alive, one on each
corner of the cart, drawn by two
caparisoned horses, with the sign
of their Commune, and two boys
who ride them and steer them.
And it is a very big, rich palio, of
fine crimson velvet, in two pieces,
and between the one and the other
their is a fine gold stripe, a hand
width wide, lined on the inside
with fur vaio, and bordered in
ermine, and fringed with silk and
fine gold; and in all it costs three
hundred or more florins: but for
some time now its had gold
brocade top and bottom; and
they’ve spent six hundred florins
or more.
There is a depiction of the Palio-prize on a cassone of Giovanni Francesco Toscani, 1418, here
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File ... 18,_02.jpg

The cassone panel is at the Cleveland Museum of Art
https://www.clevelandart.org/art/1916.801

You can see two of the four lions at the corners, the caparisoned horses and riders, the wheels of the cart at the bottom, and, of course, the huge palio itself, being manipulated by two men at the back.

Viao fur, I have read elsewhere, is squirrel fur.

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

33
Huck wrote: 03 Sep 2023, 07:56
I miss in the description the appearance of chariots, which in later documents defintely play a larger role, at least in the 1450s.
Is this a result (or a reason) of the success of Petrarca's Trionfi poem and the following Trionfi fashion?
Already in 1901 Werner Weisbach thought that trionfi-processions were the inspiration for the Florentine-style illustrations of Petrarch's Trionfi. He was impressed by the realistic depictions, which are of chariot scenes that could actually be built. So his idea was that it wasn't artists who came up with the depictions, using only their imaginations, but a festival designer.

Werner Weisbach, Francesco Pesellino und die Romantik der Renaissance (Berlin, 1901), pp. 71-75.
Weltliche Darstellungen. Trionfi und Allegorieen.
Die Trionfi Petrarcas.

Auf der Early Italian Exhibition des Jahres 1894 in der Londoner New Gallery waren aus der Sammlung von Mrs. Austen unter dem Namen des Piero di Cosimo zwei Cassonetafeln mit Darstellungen der Trionfi Petrarcas ausgestellt, die von allen Sachverständigen sogleich als Arbeiten Pesellinos erkannt wurden. Die vortrefflich erhaltenen Bilder wurden im Jahre 1898 an Mrs. Gardner nach Boston verkauft, wo sie sich noch heute befinden. Zwei der interessantesten und hervorragendsten Werke Pesellinos sind damit leider für Europa verloren gegangen.
Der Illustrationscyklus, der sich an Petrarcas Trionfi anschloss, ist, wie bereits im zweiten Kapitel angedeutet wurde, in Italien weit verbreitet gewesen. In den illustrierten Handschriften begegnen uns zwei verschiedene Versionen. Einmal — und das ist das häufigste — erscheint zu jedem Buche der Dichtung nur ein Bild, den Triumph der betreffenden Allegorie auf einem Wagen darstellend. Andere Handschriften enthalten ausserdem noch Illustrationen, die sich auf bestimmte Vorgänge des Gedichtes beziehen. Das kommt jedoch weit seltener vor.1) Für Cassonebilder wurden nur die Triumphzüge der allegorischen Gestalten verwertet.
Die Darstellungen der Wagenzüge können nicht unmittelbar auf den Text der Dichtung Petrarcas zurückgehen. Dieser schildert die ihm erscheinende Vision einer nach antiker Weise auf einem Wagen triumphierenden allegorischen Gestalt nur einmal gelegentlich des Trionfo d’Amore.2) Der Trionfo della Castità ist auf einen ganz bestimmten Fall zugespitzt. Hier ist es Laura selbst, die Geliebte des Dichters, die als Vertreterin der Keuschheit auftritt. Sie lässt sich mit dem Liebesgott in einen Kampf ein, der ausführlich geschildert wird, und besiegt ihn. Dann zieht sie im Triumphe mit ihrem Gefolge zum Tempel der Pudicitia auf dem Capitol und legt dort ihre Trophäen nieder. Die Art des Triumphes wird vom Dichter nicht weiter geschildert. Er bewegt sich darüber in ganz allgemeinen Ausdrücken wie:

Con queste e con alquante anime chiare
Trionfar vidi di colui che pria
Veduto avea del mondo trionfare.

oder:

Era il trionfo dove l’onde salse
Percoton Baia;

Das einzige bestimmte Detail, das der Dichter bei dem Zuge anführt, und das uns auch bei den künstlerischen Darstellungen begegnet, erwähnt er gelegentlich der Schilderung der Rückkehr der Schar vom Kapitol im ersten Kapitel des Trionfo della Morte. Es ist das Hermellinbanner, das die Jungfrauen als Symbol der Keuschheit führen.
Bei dem Trionfo della Morte ist die Idee des Siegeszuges von dem Dichter ganz aufgegeben. Der Tod in der Gestalt eines Weibes begegnet Lauras vom Kapitol kommenden Zuge:

Ed una donna involta in veste negra
Con un furor quäl io non so se mai
Al tempo de’giganti fosse a Flegra,
Si mosse ....

In welcher Weise der Tod heranstürmte, dafür fanden die Illustratoren bei Petrarca nicht die geringste Anregung.
Ebenso unbestimmt lässt der Dichter die Erscheinung der Fama im ersten Kapitel ihres Triumphes und bedient sich bei der Schilderung ihres Nahens lediglich eines Gleichnisses:

Quale in sul giorno l’amorosa stella
Suol venir d’oriente innanzi al Sole,
Che s’accompagna volentier con ella;
Cotal venia.

Wie anschaulich beschreibt dagegen Boccaccio in seiner vor den Trionfi entstandenen Amorosa Visione die auf einem Wagen triumphierende Fama, die dort den Gegenstand eines Wandgemäldes bildet. Die von ihm angeführten Einzelheiten der Erscheinung begegnen uns auch bei den den Triumph Petrarcas illustrierenden Darstellungen.
Die Zeit wird von Petrarca unter dem Bilde der Sonne eingeführt, während die meisten Illustrationen den Zeitgott Saturn anwenden. Nur einige wenige zeigen, der Dichtung folgend, den Sonnenwagen.1)
Für den Trionfo della Divinitä hatte sich bei den Illustratoren kein bestimmtes, feststehendes Schema herausgebildet. Der Triumph der Göttlichkeit wurde in verschiedener Weise wiedergegeben. Auch hier wurde von einzelnen Künstlern in Uebereinstimmung mit den übrigen Triumphen ein Wagen angewandt, der bald von den Evangelisten, bald von deren Symbolen gezogen wird. Oefter finden wir auch die göttliche Herrlichkeit ganz ohne Wagen, über der Erde auf dem Empyreum thronend, und noch verschiedene andere Variationen.
Wie aus dem gesagten hervorgeht, fand ein Künstler, der die sechs Allegorieen Petrarcas triumphierend darzustellen hatte, bei dem Dichter kaum einen Anhalt für seine Aufgabe2). Dass trotzdem von den Illustratoren im grossen und ganzen so übereinstimmende Typen verwandt wurden, erscheint höchst auffällig und lässt sich nicht lediglich damit erklären, dass jene sich an die Ueberschriften der Dichtung angelehnt und nach der Analogie des Trionfo d’Amore die übrigen Allegorieen auch auf Wagen triumphierend dargestellt hätten3).
Der Illustrationscyklus, der Elemente enthält, die in der Dichtung nicht zu finden waren und aus ihr nicht geschöpft werden konnten, besteht als etwas selbständiges daneben. Er ist nicht von dem Text abhängig und bezieht sich nicht unmittelbar auf den Text. Die Abweichungen der Illustrationen unter einander beruhen nicht auf Heranziehung verschiedener Textstellen oder auf verschiedener Auslegung von Textstellen. Der Cyklus schliesst sich zwar im allgemeinen an den Ideengang der Dichtung an, kann aber nicht als unmittelbare bildliche Uebertragung des Textes angesehen werden. Bei ihm ist die formale Gleichmässigkeit in ganz anderer Weise gewahrt als bei der Dichtung. Nach alledem scheint es mir höchst unwahrscheinlich, dass die Erfindung des Cyklus der sechs auf Wagen triumphierenden Allegorieen auf einen Illustrator zurückgehen sollte. Das letztere würden wir weit eher begreifen, wenn sich etwa ein Darstellungskreis wie der des Cod. Strozz. 174 in der Bibi. Laurenziana, der, abgesehen von den triumphierenden Allegorieen, Bilder enthält, die sich an bestimmte Textstellen anlehnen, allgemein verbreitet hätte. Aber wir können darin doch nur eine Ausnahme sehen. Ich glaube also nicht, dass eine erste gleichsam Urillustration der Trionfi die Quelle für alle späteren Darstellungen gebildet habe.
Der Illustrationscyklus mit den Triumphen der einzelnen Allegorieen als Titelbildern tritt auch erst verhältnismässig lange nach dem Bekanntwerden der Dichtung Petrarcas auf, um die Mitte des Quattrocento. Die früheste mir bekannte illustrierte Handschrift der Trionfi, vom Jahre 1414 datiert1), weicht von dem üblichen Schema völlig ab. Sie enthält nur ein Bild, zum Trionfo della Morte: Zwei Rosse ziehen einen mit gotischen Ornamenten verzierten Wagen. Auf diesem sehen wir in der Mitte rückwärts einen geflügelten Engel. Zu beiden Seiten sitzen in chorstuhlartigen Abteilungen je drei Männer. Auf keiner anderen Illustration begegnet uns eine ähnliche Darstellung des Todeszuges.
Man darf, glaube ich, auf Grund des vorhandenen Materials annehmen, dass sich der Illustrationscyklus in seiner bestimmten Gestaltung erst im zweiten Viertel des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts herausgebildet hat. Dass man die Dichtung nicht hier so, dort anders illustrierte, sondern im allgemeinen ein gleiches Schema anwandte, lässt auf einen gemeinsamen Ausgangspunkt schliessen. Wenn als solcher eine ursprüngliche Handschriftenvorlage, wie wir gesehen haben, kaum in Frage kommen kann, so dürfen wir nach der ganzen Gestaltung der allegorischen Triumphzüge vielleicht auf eine andere Quelle schliessen: die festlichen Aufzüge.
Dass man nach dem Bekanntwerden der Trionfi auf die Idee gekommen wäre, sie bei Aufzügen bildlich darzustellen, erscheint durchaus nicht befremdlich. Es ist hinreichend bekannt, wie beliebt bei Festzügen gerade Darstellungen allegorischer Figuren waren. Petrarcas Epos bot den Anlass, einen Zug von sechs in geistigem Connex stehenden Allegorieen auftreten zu lassen. Die Renaissance konnte keine geeignetere, ihr mehr entsprechende Idee für einen festlichen Aufzug finden. In der That haben wir auch ein Zeugnis, dass die Triumphe dargestellt worden seien, allerdings erst aus späterer Zeit, der zweiten Hälfte des Quattrocento. Wie Reumont2) berichtet, sind sie im Jahre 1475 von Florentinern in Neapel aufgeführt worden. Wir erfahren ferner, dass in ganz ähnlicher Weise wie die Trionfi-Illustrationen es zeigen, irrl Januar 1495 vor dem Herzoge von Mantua eine Allegorie Serafinos dell' Aquila gespielt worden ist, deren Gedanke Petrarcas Canzone: Una donna piü bella assai che’l sole entnommen war. Es erschienen die Voluttä, die Virtü, endlich Fama, die jüngere Schwester der Virtü, auf einem Triumphwagen3). Dass bei den Aufzügen häufig Allegorieen auf Wagen triumphierend dargestellt wurden, dafür giebt es zahlreiche Beispiele. Für solche Aufzüge war der Name Trionfi allgemein üblich4) - nicht nur in Florenz. Auch in Venedig wurden die bei verschiedenen Anlässen veranstalteten Umzüge Andate in trionfo genannt5). Wiedergaben solcher Festzüge sind uns auch in ziemlicher Anzahl auf Truhenbildern der Zeit erhalten.
Dass cyklische Darstellungen der bildenden Künste zu dramatischen Aufführungen gewisse Beziehungen hatten, kann gleichfalls mit einem Beispiele belegt werden. Die Unterschriften der früher Baccio Baldini zugeschriebenen Kupferstichfolge der Propheten und Sibyllen bilden Sprüche des Dichters Feo Belcari, die von den genannten Personen in einer Sacra Rappresentazione der Verkündigung gesprochen wurden0). Auf andere Beziehungen zwischen den festlichen Aufführungen und den bildenden Künsten wurde im zweiten Abschnitte bereits gelegentlich hingewiesen.
Petrarcas Trionfi als allegorischen Wagenzug darzustellen, wofür der Text keinen unmittelbaren Anhalt bietet, ist eine neue, selbständige Idee gewesen, die ich ihrer ganzen Beschaffenheit nach niemandem eher als einem Festdekorateur Zutrauen zu dürfen glaube.
Das ergiebt sich noch deutlicher, wenn wir die Wiedergabe der Trionfi-Illustrationen Petrarcas aus dem Quattrocento mit Darstellungen gleicher Triumphe aus früherer Zeit vergleichen. Die Idee des allegorischen Triumphes ist ja nicht von Petrarca erfunden worden. Sie ist vor ihm verbreitet und litterarisch verwertet gewesen. Auch bildliche Trionfi-Darstellungen sind uns ausserhalb des Illustrationscyclus der Dichtung Petrarcas erhalten. Namentlich ist der Triumph des Ruhmes häufiger wiedergegeben worden. Dieser Triumph findet sich als Titelbild in drei Handschriften eines anderen Werkes von Petrarca, der Epitome clarissimorum virorum, die noch im Trecento geschrieben worden sind1), also zu einer Zeit, als der Illustrationscyklus der Trionfi, des letzten, erst nach dem Tode Petrarcas veröffentlichten Werkes des Dichters, noch nicht entstanden gewesen sein kann. Hier ist der Triumph in ganz idealistischer Weise als eine überirdische, am Himmel schwebende Erscheinung aufgefasst. Im Gegensätze dazu muss die alles realisierende und gleichsam handgreiflich machende Art der Trionfi-Illustrationen des Quattrocento auffallen. Nicht ein einziges Bild begegnet uns mehr in der alten idealisierenden Auffassung. Seine Erklärung findet das leicht, wenn wir für den Illustrationscyklus des Quattrocento wirkliche Umzüge als Vorbilder voraussetzten.
Der Apparat der festlichen Wagenzüge wurde ja gerade seit dem Beginne des Quattrocento erheblich verbessert. Brunelleschi soll auch auf diesem Gebiet einen Fortschritt angebahnt haben. Regelmässig in jedem Jahre bot in Florenz das Fest des Stadtpatrons, Johannes des Täufers, Gelegenheit zur Veranstaltung eines prunkvollen Umzuges. Die Florentiner bildeten sich zu den bevorzugten Festdekorateuren von ganz Italien heraus. Dass der Illustrationscyklus der Trionfi Petrarcas in seiner festgefügten Gestalt gerade um die Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts auftritt, und zwar in ganz realistischer Ausbildung, dürfte wohl für unsere Annahme sprechen.
Der Apparat der bildlich wiedergegebenen allegorischen Triumphzüge hält sich fast immer in den Grenzen des in Wirklichkeit Darstellbaren. So phantastisch auch die Wagenausstattung der Allegorieen zum Teil ist, sie überschreitet doch fast niemals das Mass des Konstruierbaren und die Grenzen der mechanischen Gesetze. Und diese Konstruierbarkeit, das Haften an dem Realen, Thatsächlichen, wie wir es bei der Anlage der Trionfi-Illustrationen bemerken, scheint mir auf wirkliche Umzüge als Quelle für die Bilder hinzuweisen.
Unter den künstlerischen Darstellungen der Trionfi bilden auch die Pesellinos in Bezug auf das eben gesagte keine Ausnahme. Bis auf den Trionfo della Divinitä ist nicht einer, der sich nicht mit den Mitteln der Technik in Wirklichkeit aufführen Hesse. Wie es bei den Cassonebildern das übliche war, hat der Künstler auf jeder der beiden Truhenvorderwände je drei Trionfi zusammengestellt..
Secular Representations. Triumphs and Allegories.
Petrarch's Triumphs.

At the Early Italian Exhibition of 1894 held at the London New Gallery, two panel paintings depicting Petrarch's Triumphs were displayed from Mrs. Austen's collection under the name of Piero di Cosimo. These works were immediately recognized by all experts as the creations of Pesellino. The excellently preserved paintings were sold to Mrs. Gardner in Boston in 1898, where they still reside today. Unfortunately, two of the most interesting and outstanding works by Pesellino have thus been lost to Europe. The cycle of illustrations that followed Petrarch's Triumphs, as hinted at in the second chapter, had been widely spread in Italy. In the illustrated manuscripts, we encounter two different versions. In one version — and this is the most common — only one image appears for each book of the poem, representing the triumph of the relevant allegory on a chariot. Other manuscripts also include illustrations that relate to specific events in the poem. However, this is much rarer. For cassone panels, only the triumphal processions of the allegorical figures were used. The depictions of the chariot processions cannot directly stem from Petrarch's poetic text. He describes the vision of an allegorical figure triumphing on a chariot in the ancient manner only once, during the Triumph of Love. The Triumph of Chastity is focused on a very specific scenario. Here, it is Laura herself, the poet's beloved, who appears as the representative of chastity. She engages in a battle with the god of love, which is elaborately described, and emerges victorious. Then, she triumphantly proceeds with her retinue to the temple of Pudicitia on the Capitol and lays down her trophies there. The nature of the triumph is not further described by the poet. He speaks about it in very general terms, such as:

"With these and with a few bright souls,
I saw triumphant the one who
had seen the world triumph before."

or:

"It was the triumph where the waves arose,
Striking Baia."

The only specific detail that the poet mentions during the procession, which also appears in the artistic representations, is mentioned in the description of the return of the procession from the Capitol in the first chapter of the Triumph of Death. It is the ermine banner that the maidens carry as a symbol of chastity.
In the Triumph of Death, the idea of a triumphant procession is completely abandoned by the poet. Death in the form of a woman encounters Laura's procession as it comes from the Capitol:

"And a woman wrapped in black attire,
With a fury that I do not know if ever
At the time of the giants there was at Phlegra,
Moved..."

As for the manner in which Death rushed forward, the illustrators found absolutely no inspiration from Petrarch. Equally indefinite is the poet's portrayal of the appearance of Fama in the first chapter of her triumph. He only uses a simile to describe her approach:

"Just as in the day the loving star
Usually comes from the east before the Sun,
Which willingly accompanies it;
So she came."

On the other hand, how vividly Boccaccio describes the triumphant Fama on a chariot in his "Amorosa Visione," written before the Triumphs. There, she becomes the subject of a mural. The details of her appearance that he presents are also found in the illustrations depicting Petrarch's Triumphs.

Petrarch introduces Time under the image of the Sun, while most illustrations depict the god Saturn as Time. Only a few follow the poem and depict the Sun's chariot. For the Triumph of Divinity, illustrators had not established a specific, fixed scheme. The triumph of the divine was represented in various ways. Even here, some artists, in harmony with the other triumphs, used a chariot, sometimes pulled by the Evangelists, sometimes by their symbols. More often, we find the divine glory without a chariot, reigning over the Earth from the Empyrean, as well as various other variations.
As is evident from the aforementioned, an artist tasked with portraying Petrarch's six allegories in triumph found little guidance from the poet for their task. Nevertheless, the fact that illustrators generally used such consistent types is highly remarkable and cannot be solely explained by them adhering to the titles of the poems and, following the analogy of the Triumph of Love, depicting the other allegories triumphing on chariots as well.
The cycle of illustrations, containing elements not found in the poetry and not drawn from it, exists as something independent. It is not dependent on the text and does not directly refer to the text. The variations among the illustrations are not due to referencing different passages or interpreting passages differently. While the cycle generally aligns with the poetry's ideas, it cannot be seen as a direct visual translation of the text. In it, formal uniformity is maintained in a significantly different manner than in the poetry. Given all this, it seems highly unlikely that the invention of the cycle of six allegories triumphing on chariots should be attributed to an illustrator. We would more readily understand the latter if a visual representation like that of Codex Strozz. 174 in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, which, apart from the triumphant allegories, contains images that align with specific passages of the text, had become widely circulated. However, we can only view this as an exception. Therefore, I do not believe that an initial, almost primal illustration of the Triumphs served as the source for all subsequent depictions.

The cycle of illustrations with the triumphs of individual allegories as title images only emerges relatively long after the recognition of Petrarch's poetry, around the mid-Quattrocento. The earliest illustrated manuscript of the Triumphs known to me, dated to the year 1414, completely deviates from the usual scheme. It contains only one image, for the Triumph of Death: Two horses draw a chariot adorned with Gothic ornaments. In the center, facing backward, we see a winged angel. On both sides, three men are seated in choir-like sections. No other illustration presents a similar depiction of the procession of Death. Based on the available material, I believe it can be assumed that the cycle of illustrations took on its specific form only in the second quarter of the fifteenth century. The fact that the poetry was not illustrated differently here and there, but a consistent pattern was generally applied, suggests a common point of origin. While an original manuscript source, as we have seen, can hardly be considered, the overall design of the allegorical triumphs might lead us to another source: festive processions.

It is not surprising that after the Triumphs became known, the idea of depicting them in processions arose. It is well-known how popular depictions of allegorical figures were in festive parades. Petrarch's epic provided the opportunity to showcase a procession of six mentally connected allegories. The Renaissance could not find a more suitable or fitting idea for a festive procession. In fact, we have evidence that the Triumphs were indeed depicted, albeit from a later period, the second half of the Quattrocento. As Reumont reports, they were performed by Florentines in Naples in 1475. Furthermore, we learn that in a similar manner to how the Triumph illustrations depict, in January 1495, an allegory by Serafino dell'Aquila was performed before the Duke of Mantua. This allegory was based on Petrarch's canzone "Una donna piú bella assai che’l sole" (A lady fairer far than the sun). The Vices appeared, followed by the Virtues, and finally, Fama, the younger sister of Virtue, on a triumphal chariot. It's evident that allegories triumphantly displayed on chariots were commonly depicted in processions, and there are numerous examples of this. The term "Trionfi" was widely used for such processions - not only in Florence. Even in Venice, the processions organized for various occasions were called "Andate in trionfo" (Goings in Triumph). Depictions of such processions have also been preserved on chest paintings from that time.

That cyclic representations in the visual arts had certain connections to dramatic performances can also be illustrated with an example. The inscriptions of the copperplate series formerly attributed to Baccio Baldini, depicting the Prophets and Sibyls, consist of verses by the poet Feo Belcari, which were spoken by these individuals in a Sacra Rappresentazione (Sacred Representation) of the Annunciation.0) Other connections between festive performances and the visual arts were already mentioned in passing in the second section.

To depict Petrarch's Triumphs as an allegorical procession of chariots, a concept not directly supported by the text, seems to me to have been a novel and independent idea, one that I would be more inclined to attribute to a festival decorator than anyone else.

This becomes even clearer when we compare the representations of Petrarch's Triumph illustrations from the Quattrocento with depictions of similar triumphs from earlier times. The idea of allegorical triumph was not invented by Petrarch. It was already widespread and utilized in literature before him. Visual representations of Trionfi (Triumphs) have also survived outside the illustration cycle of Petrarch's poetry. Specifically, the Triumph of Fame has been depicted more frequently. This Triumph appears as a title image in three manuscripts of another work by Petrarch, the "Epitome clarissimorum virorum," written in the Trecento, a time when the illustration cycle of Petrarch's Trionfi, his last work published after his death, could not yet have existed. Here, the Triumph is conceived in an entirely idealistic manner, as a celestial, hovering manifestation. In contrast, the highly realized and almost palpable nature of the Quattrocento Triumph illustrations is striking. Not a single image remains in the old idealizing interpretation. This can be easily explained if we assume actual processions as models for the Quattrocento illustration cycle.

The apparatus of festive processions had indeed been significantly improved since the beginning of the Quattrocento. It is said that Brunelleschi may have initiated progress in this field as well. Regularly, every year in Florence, the festival of the city's patron saint, St. John the Baptist, provided an opportunity for organizing a splendid procession. The Florentines emerged as preferred festival decorators for all of Italy. The fact that the illustration cycle of Petrarch's Triumphs appears in its well-established form around the mid-15th century, and in a highly realistic presentation, likely supports our assumption.

The apparatus of allegorical triumphal processions depicted in images almost always remains within the boundaries of what can actually be represented. As fantastical as the decoration of the allegorical chariots may be, it rarely exceeds the limits of what can be constructed and the bounds of mechanical laws. And this constructibility, the adherence to the real, the factual, as we observe in the design of the Triumph illustrations, seems to point to actual processions as a source for the images.

Among the artistic depictions of the Triumphs, the works of Pesellino also do not deviate from what has just been stated. With the exception of the Triumph of Divinity, there is not one that could not be feasibly enacted with the means of technology. Just as was customary with cassone paintings, the artist arranged three Triumphs on each of the two front panels of the chest.

(follows a description and analysis of Pesellino's Petrarch Trionfi)

Weisbach later published what is taken to be the foundational study of Medieval and Renaissance triumph iconography, Trionfi (Berlin 1919).
https://ia601604.us.archive.org/26/item ... isuoft.pdf

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

34
Further on "triumphal chariots," in his invective against Lorenzo Valla in 1451-1452, Poggio uses the metaphor of a triumph of folly in Valla's honor, and incidentally remarks on a Florentine custom that is otherwise recorded only later in the century, that of a "triumphal chariot (currus triumphalis) of fools."

"we shall award to this individual a triumph and a laurel crown, so that there can no longer be any doubt that our Valla holds the dominion of fools and madmen. Therefore, just as the Florentines customarily transport the insane in their triumphal chariot during their festivals – which is a most delightful spectacle – so too do we decree this triumph for that one, as if to the conqueror of all scholars, for having surpassed all nations in the keenness of intellect."

(decernemus ei triumphum et lauream coronam, ne amplius addubitari possit Vallam nostrum stultorum atque insanorum principatum possidere, Itaque ut Florentini solent in festis suis aliquando curru triumphali insanos vehere – quod est iucundissimum spectaculum – ita nos isti triumphum decernamus tanquam doctorum omnium victori, ob omnes gentes ingenii acumine superatas.)

Since Poggio had departed Florence for Rome with the papal Curia in 1443, he is alluding to the custom he saw there from 1434 to 1443 (and perhaps earlier, at turn of the century, when he spent a few years in Florence).

Poggio's full description, from In Laurentium Vallam invectiva:
Sed quoniam nonnullorum aemulatione malevolorum atque invidia factum est ut tanta virtus sit multis ignota, nos ut ipsam palam omnibus faciamus, decernemus ei triumphum et lauream coronam, ne amplius addubitari possit Vallam nostrum stultorum atque insanorum principatum possidere, Itaque ut Florentini solent in festis suis aliquando curru triumphali insanos vehere – quod est iucundissimum spectaculum – ita nos isti triumphum decernamus tanquam doctorum omnium victori, ob omnes gentes ingenii acumine superatas. Currus itaque erit non ex ebore (nam id quidem vulgare videtur), sed ex gigantum ossibus compactus, ut homo immanis immanium corporum robore vehatur. Non tapetibus, sed pellibus sternatur hircinis, triumphantis naturam redolentibus. Ipse adstans, alteraque manu sphingem, altera phoenicem gestans, hallucinanti persimilis, oculosque fanaticos huc illuc circumferens, coronam gestabit in capite ex foliis lauri, decoctis lucanicis immixtis, ut aliquo suavi odore nauseantis comitium fastidio mens fessa reficiatur. Foliis inscriptum litteris aureis erit STULTITIAE ALUMNO.
Elephanti currum ducent, quo beluae ingentes ingentiorem trahant. Circumstabunt in curru musae omnes uelut ancillae hymnum Apollini educatori gnati sui dicentes, sed uoce rauca & submissa, ut potius gemere ob tantam uiri insaniam quam canere uideantur. His aderunt proximiores cum cithara absque fidibus, quod eas mures correserint. Phoebusque moestus, quod arte sua uti nequeat in honorem triumphi. Pallas cum scuto & ense, quo muscas abigat, ne sint uati suo molestae. Minerua librum pergrandem super humeris gestabit opibus triumphantis refertum, cuius inscriptio erit, stulticiae copia. Corvi in sponda currus voce illa sua perblanda novello philosopho alludent. Noctuae ac bubones circumaduolabunt, carmen suum ferale canentes. Praeibunt currum manibus post terga revinctis omnes disciplinarum olim principes capite pileato : velut ab hoc novo liberalium artium architecto sapientiae certamine superati. Aristoteles in primis, Albertus magnus, caeterique philosophi ab hoc uno emendati. Tum M. Varro, M. Tullius, Salustius, Lactantius, Grammatici omnes, Historici, Poetae, Theologi, qui ob triumphantem dementiam lamententur. Post hos curru proximiores satyri faunique sequentur: Sileni sui auribus in psalterio et cymbalis plaudentes. Hos inter psallentium modo permixti erunt asini, tibicinum loco rugitu magno sonoroque, ac etiam ventris crepitibus triumphantis famam et gloriam tollentes, ut et plausu, risuque gestire et laeta esse omnia videantur. Centauri quoque aderunt vexilla deferentes, in quibus inscriptum erit: Stultorum regnum pervagatum. Hunc longe post comitabuntur liberales artes, quae se ab hoc vesano non ornatas, sed prostitutas querentur. Puerorum quoque turba aderit balbutientium nescio quid rusticum magno comitatu barbarismorum ac solcecismorum, quorum inveniendorum hic autor fuerit permaximus. Cum his Nymphae silvestres et maris accolae, monstra ingentia honorem sui generis homini impertientur, agentes choreas et thyrsos manibus more debacchantium ferentes . Ipse egregius imperator gravitate illa elephantina , qui inanem laudem respuat , manu omnes admonebit ut de suis laudibus parcius loquantur , remittant aliquid de cupiditate laudandi . Nam quamvis Romanæ linguæ imperium longius propagarit, quamvis linguam Latinam vagantem errantemque per devia et fere deperditam a barbarisque oppressam ipse solus sua opera impensaque, post multos pelagi terræque labores , cerebro per maria volitante, urbi restituerit ; tamen parcius velle celebrari decantarique laudes suas, cum ipse haud inscius sit quid esse conferant ad beatam vitam , sapientis animi fortisque esse de se tacere , non detrahere aliis, laudare omnes, non essc ostentatorem , non verbosum , non mendacem , non jactatorem , non dicacem , non protervum . Post hæc verba ad suos laudatores dispersa , Capitolio propinquans, omnibus his quos captivos ante carrum duxerit in obscurum carcerem trusis, cum inutilis se vivo illorum doctrina et scientia sit futura , Jovis Optimi Maximique templum ingredietur, pergrande bovinum caput , suæ doctrinæ testem, præclarum donum ex voto daturus . Peractisque de more sacris , cæsisque bove , pecude, asino , atque illorum extis Phobo sacratis, omnium corda triumphi insignia domum secum ferens, inter asinorum cohortem suo oratori plaudentium ridebit, ubi deorum hominumque odio , perpetua ignominia infamiaque tabescat. Hic erit insignis triumphus impii Vallae: qui nulla ex parte triumphis Caesaris cedet.
"But since, due to the envy and malice of some, it has come to pass that such great excellence remains unknown to many, so that we might make it openly known to everyone, we shall award to this individual a triumph and a laurel crown, so that there can no longer be any doubt that our Valla holds the dominion of fools and madmen. Therefore, just as the Florentines customarily transport the insane in their triumphal chariot during their festivals – which is a most delightful spectacle – so too do we decree this triumph for that one, as if to the conqueror of all scholars, for having surpassed all nations in the keenness of intellect.

“The chariot shall therefore be fashioned not from ivory (for that indeed seems common), but from the bones of giants, so that a massive man may be carried by the strength of massive bodies. Instead of tapestries, it shall be adorned with goat skins, redolent of the nature of the triumphant. He himself standing, in one hand bearing a sphinx, in the other a phoenix, resembling one in a trance, rolling his fanatical eyes to and fro, he shall bear a crown upon his head made from laurel leaves mixed with extracts of wolf's bane, so that the exhausted mind, tired of the wearisome assembly, may be refreshed by some sweet odor that overcomes nausea. Inscribed on the leaves in golden letters shall be: 'To the Alumnus of Folly.'

"Elephants will lead the chariot, in which huge beasts shall drag an even huger one. All around the chariot, the Muses shall stand as if handmaidens, singing a hymn to Apollo, the instructor of their son. Yet, their voices will be hoarse and subdued, as if they seem to groan at the great madness of the man rather than sing. Closest to them will come those with lyres but without strings, for these mice will have eaten them. And Phoebus, saddened that he cannot utilize his skill for the honor of the triumph. Athena, with shield and sword to drive away flies, so that they do not disturb her devoted poet. Minerva will bear a very large book upon her shoulders, filled with the riches of the triumphant, inscribed with the title, 'The Abundance of Folly.' Ravens on the edge of the chariot will mockingly allude with their sweet voice to the new philosopher. Owls and night birds will fly around, singing their mournful song. Following behind, all the former leaders of disciplines, with hands tied behind their backs, will lead the chariot, each wearing a pileus on their heads, as if surpassed in this contest of wisdom by this new architect of liberal arts. Aristoteles foremost, Albertus Magnus, and the other philosophers improved by this one. Then M. Varro, M. Tullius, Salustius, Lactantius, all the Grammarians, Historians, Poets, Theologians, who lament over the triumphant folly. Following them will be satyrs and fauns in the chariot's vicinity, playing their cymbals and psalteries with their ears. Among these, mixed in with the musicians, will be donkeys, instead of pipers, braying with a loud and resonant sound, and even emitting the noises of their bellies, raising the fame and glory of the triumphant, so that all may seem to rejoice and be joyful with applause and laughter.

"Centauri will also be present, bearing banners inscribed with 'The Kingdom of Fools Has Spread.' Far behind these, the liberal arts will follow, which will complain that they were not adorned by this madman, but rather defiled. A crowd of children will also be present, stammering some rustic and barbaric language with a great assembly of errors and solecisms, of which the greatest author of their invention will have been this one. Along with these, wood nymphs and sea dwellers, along with great monsters of their kind, will bestow honor upon the man, performing dances and carrying thyrsi in their hands like revelers. The eminent commander himself, with that elephantine gravity, who will reject empty praise, will remind everyone with his hand to speak more sparingly about his praises, to relinquish some of the desire for praise. For although he has spread the dominion of the Roman tongue farther than ever, though he, alone through his own efforts and expenditure, has restored the Latin language wandering and lost in the wilds, nearly destroyed by barbarians, after many labors across sea and land, flying through the seas with his mind, and returned it to the city, he still desires his praises to be celebrated more sparingly, being no stranger to what contributes to a blessed life: that the wise and strong spirit remains silent about itself, not detracting from others, praising all, not being a show-off, not being verbose, not being deceitful, not being boastful, not being insolent, not being impudent. After scattering these words among his praisers, approaching the Capitol, he will thrust all those he led captive before the chariot into the dark prison, since his learning and knowledge will be useless to them in the future. He will enter the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, bearing a grand bovine head, a testimony of his own doctrine, a splendid offering in fulfillment of his vow. After the customary sacred rites and the sacrifice of an ox, sheep, and ass, and the consecration of their entrails to Phoebus, carrying the symbols of triumph in his heart, he will laugh amidst the braying of the asses as his applauding orators. Here, hated by gods and men, he will rot away in eternal ignominy and infamy. This shall be the remarkable triumph of impious Valla, which in no aspect will yield to the triumphs of Caesar."

In his response, Valla quotes part of it but considers it beneath him to go into detail:

"We have already routed five legions of the Pogians along with Poggio himself, the leader of brigands and barbarians, three indeed under the banners of deceit, and two under the standards of incompetence. The sixth remains, which we promised in our agreement to conquer and capture, in order to triumph over the defeated enemy. However, since he triumphed over me before the battle in his camp, as if I were truly to be conquered, he mockingly enacted a triumph for himself, I shall now recount what kind of triumph that Poggian triumph was: by comparison, let it become more illustrious than the Laurentian triumph, so that no one shall judge that Poggian triumph as anything worthy of the author and contriver himself. The nature of which is as he describes it: 'owls and night birds will fly around.' And other things of this sort, nearly one hundred lines, which I do not consider to be completely inserted here, lest they sully my work as if with filth or offend the ears and eyes of serious and upright individuals. Such things suit Poggio, who wrote a book about obscenities. As for myself, I am accustomed not only to restrain my tongue from indecency but also to avert my ears and eyes from it. However, if anyone wishes to learn more about these matters, let them read him, who is ashamed of nothing obscene, neither speaking, nor hearing, seeing, nor writing, doing, nor enduring. For he even boasts in these obscenities that he has been eloquent to the end..." (going on to describe Poggio's defence of his Facetiae).
Profligavimus iam Pogianas quinque legiones cum ipso Pogio latronum ac barbarorum duce, tres quidem sub signis calumniae, duas autem sub imperitiae vexillis. Superest sextum, quod in nostra partitione promisimus, ut de superato captoque hoste triumphemus. Verum quoniam hic ante pugnam in suis castris tanquam de me victo triumphavit, sive me, quasi vere triumphaturus non essem, per ludibrium fecit triumphantem, referam, qualis ille Pogianus triumphus fuerit: cuius ex comparatione fiat illustrior Laurentianus, ut nemo non iudicaturus sit, illum triumphum Pogianum ipso autore et machinatore dignum. Cuius species haec est, quemadmodum ab eo describitur. “noctuae ac bubones circumadvolabunt.” Et alia huiuscemodi, ad centum ferme versus, quae, ne operi meo veluti sordes aspergant, ne ve gravium ac proborum hominum aures offendant, non omnia mihi subiicienda duco. Pogium ista decent, qui librum de spurcitiis scripsit. Ego ab obscoenis non modo linguam continere, sed etiam aures oculosque avertere consuevi. Si quis tamen caetera discere vult, apud illum potius legat, quem nihil foedum nec dicere, nec audire, quem nihil, nec videre, nec scribere, quem nihil nec agere, nec pati pudet. Nam etiam in his obscoenitatibus facundum se ad extremum fuisse gloriatur...

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

35
Ross Caldwell wrote: 03 Sep 2023, 08:57 The palio is carried on a triumphal
car with four wheels, decorated by
four lions, carved so that they
seem to be alive, one on each
corner of the cart, drawn by two
caparisoned horses, with the sign
of their Commune, and two boys
who ride them and steer them.
And it is a very big, rich palio, of
fine crimson velvet, in two pieces,
and between the one and the other
their is a fine gold stripe, a hand
width wide, lined on the inside
with fur vaio, and bordered in
ermine, and fringed with silk and
fine gold; and in all it costs three
hundred or more florins: but for
some time now its had gold
brocade top and bottom; and
they’ve spent six hundred florins
or more.



There is a depiction of the Palio-prize on a cassone of Giovanni Francesco Toscani, 1418, here
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File ... 18,_02.jpg

The cassone panel is at the Cleveland Museum of Art
https://www.clevelandart.org/art/1916.801

You can see two of the four lions at the corners, the caparisoned horses and riders, the wheels of the cart at the bottom, and, of course, the huge palio itself, being manipulated by two men at the back.

Viao fur, I have read elsewhere, is squirrel fur.
To the above can be added Perini's c. 1407 description of the same, showing the Palio process remained largely unchanged until after 1454:

On a beautiful triumphal car, [no Italian provided here, but must be the same as Dati's carretta triunfale]
guarded by a lion on each corner,
painted with a pattern
of golden lilies and their coats of arms,
drawn by two horses,
each caparisoned, in the way
that I shall now describe,
in white and red, in fine fabric.
And unarmed,
on each horse, rode a page,
beautiful, swift and light,
and both dressed in similar livery.
Let us leave them.
In the middle of the car stands a pole
where the noble palio
of vermilion cloth is displayed,
and at its top sits a lily
.
It is made of red velvet, fair and fine,
trimmed with ermine and miniver,
with fringes and golden lilies,
one in the middle and one at the top.
How well you display the treasure
of Florence’s noble garden.
https://italian-renaissance-theatre.syd ... em1407.pdf

I'd like to take a stab at what the ur-tarot carro might have looked like, but first a look at what it might have been adapted from and comparables: 1) the massive palio 4-wheeled cart from Toscani's cassone in the CMA; 2) the CY carro; and the Florentine 'CVI' carro, now gender-swapped for an armored leader holding a halberd, but clearly the carro is still intended to be 'triunfale' in nature, and the red fabric draping it suggestive of the palio prize, the association not broken here (also note the alternating colored side draping cloth panels as in the palio carro, but now featuring the Medici palle).

Image

In adapting the CY for an imaginative reconstruction of the Florentine ur-tarot - the Milanese example in turn being an adaptation of the Florentine (it just happens to survive) - the arch symbol of the Visconti (in addition to the biscione) of the the radiate dove on a coin-like chastity shield held out by a virago, has naturally been replaced with the Florentine lily-embossed florin, the reverse of which is appropriately St. John the Baptist. Behind the allegorical female Florentia (not Mary, whom I see as the bust atop the arch of the 'World' trump, a view of the Tuscan contado and the city with new dome below), the crimson palio fabric itself, two pieces divided by a golden strip, lions at the corners (back half of the palio carro not visible) holding a lily-tipped scepter to indicate her dominion over the contado and its subject cities (especially the likes of Poppi, just reconquered). There would be a rider on both horses, but I don't want to botch the original image any more than necessary and that is beyond my means.

!  Ur Carro.jpg ! Ur Carro.jpg Viewed 1644 times 84.83 KiB

If the ur-tarot celebrated Anghiari, then I would assume the Florentia allegory effigy or tapestry(?) that would have been elevated on a plinth such as we find in the CVI carro, and below that citizens holding the captured Visconti flags from Anghiari that we see depicted on the cassone for the Capponi family and were so central to the battle's myth that Da Vinci was asked to paint their capture decades later.

As for the central Florentia, keep in mind that Donatello's allegorical la Dovizia (Abundance) was erected only ten years before in 1430–1431, so such an allegory is not of keeping with their culture. Because a triumphal parade was needed relatively quickly after the victory, I'm thinking some ad hoc 'effigy' (e.g., a dressed out wood mannequin used on one of the St. John's floats - perhaps even a performer?), but there was time for Castagno to paint the Albizzi faction hanged men on the Bargallo along the parade route of via del Proconsolo, from the Palazzo Vecchio to the Duomo.

At all events, there were multiple palii - horse races - tied to Florentine military victory dates in earlier June and culminating in St.John's day; for Anghiari to happen right after the St., John's procession, but still in June, would have been symbolically irresistible for the Florentines to celebrate in a similar way with the Palio trappings still on hand. And it is important to remember the palio cart was a carro triunfale. Anything called trionfi in Florence would have triggered associations to St. John's procession. To explain away the name trionfi without reference to St. John's, in Florence, is an argument without merit, in my opinion. The only other option close to everyone's proposed date of the ur-tarot c. 1439-1440 would be the Church Union in 1439, but the Pope's formal declaration for it On 6 July, the Laetentur Caeli, was out of the "victory month" of June (and was in no way a victory over the Greeks/Orthodox).

In Florence the word trionfi (and related words such as triunfale) had such a strong cultural grounding in the arch communal event of the year, itself strongly tied to military victory, that it is extremely difficult in seeing that word get attached to anything, even a trivial game, without referencing the pageantry and inherent triumphal (re)celebration of St. John's.

Phaeded

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

36
Phaeded wrote: 04 Sep 2023, 19:56
To the above can be added Perini's c. 1407 description of the same, showing the Palio process remained largely unchanged until after 1454:

On a beautiful triumphal car, [no Italian provided here, but must be the same as Dati's carretta triunfale]
guarded by a lion on each corner,
painted with a pattern
of golden lilies and their coats of arms,
drawn by two horses,
each caparisoned, in the way
that I shall now describe,
in white and red, in fine fabric.
And unarmed,
on each horse, rode a page,
beautiful, swift and light,
and both dressed in similar livery.
Let us leave them.
In the middle of the car stands a pole
where the noble palio
of vermilion cloth is displayed,
and at its top sits a lily
.
It is made of red velvet, fair and fine,
trimmed with ermine and miniver,
with fringes and golden lilies,
one in the middle and one at the top.
How well you display the treasure
of Florence’s noble garden.
https://italian-renaissance-theatre.syd ... em1407.pdf
Newbigin's generous, and profoundly informed, translations are the kind of thing the non-Italian Tarot history world has needed for awhile. I wish Michael Hurst had been around to see them. He always characterized my theorizing as "Moakley 2.0". It turns out that Moakley herself was Weisbach 2.0, except that Weisbach didn't know that Tarot was called Trionfi, so he didn't have that example of the triumph-idea to exploit. Carandente didn't make the connection in 1963, nor Pinelli in 1985. It's only in this century that some cultural historians of Italian Renaissance iconography and festival culture have noticed Triumph cards, in some part because we have been talking so much about it online for the last 20+ years.

Perini says "carro trionfale" -

In su un carro trionfale e bello,
Ch' a ogni canto ha guardia d'un lione,
Con dipinta ragione
A gigli d'or, con segno di loro armi.
Da dua cavagli era tirato quello,
Coverto ciascun per tal condizione,
Come chiaro dirone :
Bianco e vermiglio, di fin drappi pàrmi.
Ed eranvi sanza armi
In su uno cavallo uno scudieri,
Vaghi presti e leggieri,
E di simil divisa ognun vestito.
Or lasciamo il partito;
Ch'a mezzo il carro è fitto uno stile,
Dove è il paglio gientile,
E tutto steso di color vermiglio ;
E in su la cima, d'oro è posto un giglio.

The first publication of this poem was in Cesare Guasti, Le feste di S. Giovanni Batista in Firenze descritte in prosa e in rima da contemporanei, Firenze, 1884, pp. 9-17
https://archive.org/details/lefestedisg ... 2/mode/2up

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

37
Ross Caldwell wrote: 04 Sep 2023, 21:35
Newbigin's generous, and profoundly informed, translations are the kind of thing the non-Italian Tarot history world has needed for awhile.
I'd highly recommend you also dive into Newbigin's translation of the way too long (5,155 lines!) Anonymous [Belcari?] description in terza rima of the The Florentine Celebrations of 1459 (Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabechiano VII 1121, formerly MS Strozzi 4 391)
https://www.academia.edu/16195011/The_F ... di_Cosimo_

We've discussed this in some length in conjunction with this paper you dredged up - Lurati, Patricia. “‘In Firenze Non Si Fe' Mai Simile Festa’. A Proposito Del Cassone Di Apollonio Di Giovanni Con Scena Di Giostra Alla Yale University Art Gallery .” Annali Di Storia Di Firenze, VII, 35-71, 2012 (https://www.academia.edu/2938043/_In_Fi ... rt_Gallery ) - which convincingly redates the "c. 1440" cassone to a wedding held in near conjunction to the 1459 Papal/Sforza (Galeazzo) visits. The Yale Art Museum link to the cassone (zoomable image): https://artgallery.yale.edu/collections/objects/290


The descriptions in the anon. terza rima match the cassone to a startling degree. Although things had changed much 20 years after the Church Union and Anghiari - this sickeningly encomiastic piece that props up Piero and young Lorenzo (and flatters Galeazzo as if Christ had returned), as the elderly Cosimo is looking to securely hand off his regime successors to it most notable backs of the Papacy and Sforza - reflects the fest and art guild traditions going back decades, if not a century or more (Trexler, places the earliest St. John's procession in 1283 with the knights dressed in white robes and led by a "lord of Love"; Public Life, 1980: 219).

Some off the cuff observations after scanning back through the poem (and Lurati's insights are equally important):

* The major theme is 'Love'- as noted by edifici of Venus (opposite 'Time') on the cassone and the banner behind her with a maiden in a meadow and caged male before her (Lurati says a bound male - I just see the arched arbor-like cage). The focus on luxury and sensuality is at a fever pitch throughout (I think I read the pope somewhere ended up leaving in disgust), with an almost homoerotic play on the relations between young Lorenzo and young Galeazzo; clearly Cosimo valued the muscle in Milan over the piety of the Papacy.

* Pagan/astrological language used would have been inconceivable for the Church Union in 1439, as the humanist conceit of using 'Jupiter' for God appears frequently as does overt astrological doctrine; e.g.: "[Galeazzo] embodies every gift that can be given / by heaven and by Nature, and the planets, /by fortune, by the fates and destiny, / and art and wit and order and good measure. / The sun, Olympian gods, and Trinity [ll. 2466-2470; the pagan gods mentioned in the same breath with the Trinity would simply be inconceivable during the theological controversies in 1439 and, I would argue, that carried over through 1440 with the Pope still resident and negotiating with the Armenians, etc.]

* Galeazzo embodies Prudence (which stands in for the other cardinals as on that c. 1418 St. John's palio cassone corner images of the virtues): "His [Galeazzo] character is quite beyond compare in lordliness, prudence, simplicity because these virtues are well-grounded here" (ll. 2696-7); plus his speech to the priors and the latter's response is categorized in the same fashion: "To these his prudent and decorous words, full of delight and sweetness, my Lord Priors, made their reply. The city’s Standard Bearer of Justice said, ‘Illustrious, most noble...the one we love, who binds us with love’s chains." (2833-2841)

* Besides living dignitaries, the poem features the allegorical Florentia, daughter of Tuscany, which I assume to have been on the ur-tarot Chariot. But in the poem, the civic symbol and pater patriae Cosimo have merged: "It’s true to say he’s [Cosimo] father, mother, nursemaid to my Florentia, and by hill and dale he makes her triumph on the wings of glory" (ll. 1348-1350; "hill and dale" remind one of the hilly Tuscan landscape in the tondo of the CVI 'World', with sceptered spiritello above proclaiming its glory, just like the sprite-like one held in the hand of Scheggia's 'Fama' birthtray for Lorenzo. On a side-note: in none of the Petrarch-inspired fama trionfi does the allegorical woman ever hold a winged trumpet - that is unique to the CY 'World"; instead she holds a book, sword or spiritello with the winged trumpet attached to the surrounding circle which must indicate time/sphere of stars and/or the frame of the world - probably both).

* Almost all of the major events feature St. John's Day like constructions, especially the aforementioned joust in S. Croce piazza hosted by the Parte Guelph and the later armeggerie hosted by Lorenzo on Via Larga, between the Medici Palazzo and the Baptistery, with Galeazzo looking on from the palazzo. I would also guess the woman-in-a-meadow banner-bearer's white and wreath livery as containing gold text in each wreath - pithy sayings of the muses or virtues that the caged male is to live up to before liberation? - but Lurati has no more insights there. S. Maria del Fiore is itself decorated in laurel (l.1685), not lilies or roses as in 1439. If the CY 'World' is modeled after the Florentine ur-tarot, then perhaps the latter featured a hilly Tuscan landscape, like the CVI 'World' tondo, but with Tuscany's "daughter" Florentia at its center (with dome featured), and perhaps such a banner-bearer approaching the city (the CY replaces with the biscione banner).

To this last point of the banner-bearer's dress, consider this portion of the text of Dati's description of St. John's:
The first offering, that is made in
the morning, is by the Captains of
the Parte Guelfa with all the
knights; and if there are foreign
gentlemen and ambassadors and
knights they go with them, and a
great number of the most
honourable citizens of the city;
and with the processional
gonfalone of the Parte Guelfa
,
carried by one of their pages on a
big palfrey, dressed in a brocade
tunic, and with the horse
caparisoned to the ground in white
brocade with the emblem of the
Parte Guelfa.


Then follow the processional
banners described above, carried
each one by a man on a horse
(some caparisoned in silk, some
not), each called by name: and
they go to make their offering at
the church of San Giovanni. And
these processional banners are
offered as the tribute of the cities

acquired by the Commune


The joust on the 1459 cassone was sponsored by the Parte Guelfa and indeed the far right mounted banner-bearer looks very much like Dati's 1420 description of the St. John's procession from 40 years earlier where the mounted Parte Guelf gonfalone's tunic matches the caparisoned horse's white brocade (one also thinks of the CVI page of sword's similar dress, white with flowers and green laurel embroidered on it). What might have been different for Anghiari is that instead of the emblem of the Parte Guelfa (red eagle over a green dragon) the commune's lily was certainly used, perhaps born by the Gonfaloniere di Giustizia (who stands by and welcomes Galeazzo) but there is no reason the basic triumphal civic white brocade of St. John's was not used.

Again, Trexler notes from the beginning that white was used for those in the procession, but this summary of Villani is also of some relevance:

With the consolidation of a constitutionally anchored gild system in Florence during the 1280s, St. John's Day inevitably developed popolani manifestations to balance those of the so-called grandi, The result was a curious mixture of civic parade and feudal bluster. When Florentine cavalry reentered the city on June 24, 1289, after its triumph at Campaldino [in which Dante participated], the Florentines treated the event as a delayed celebration of their patron's feast [what I argue for Anghiari]....gentlemen executed the demonstration of knightly skill called the armeggeria, and that the popolo, organized into gilds, marched under flags (ibid, 218).


The centrality of flags to the Ciompi Revolt of 1378 is well-known (the movement petering out after their flag was taken away) and the even earlier memorialization of the ouster of the Duke of Athens featured the saint of that day (July 6, 1343, the feast day of Santa Anna) reaching out towards the civic flags (Parte Guelfa included), while the Duke's flag lays on the ground (and naturally the duomo's dome would replace the palazzo tower as the arch symbol of the city after 1436):
Image

The centrality of flags to the Capponi cassone representation of Anghiari is even more pronounced - the Visconti flag bearers show arriving, then mustering before Borgo San Sepolcro, fighting at the bridge (da Vinci's subject), and then after captured being lead into Anghiari, with the allied standard-bearers portrayed beneath, behind their respective captains:

Visconti banners.jpg Visconti banners.jpg Viewed 1560 times 100.95 KiB


The point here is that a flag-bearer in the Florentine ur-tarot is expected in the 'World' trump, and the CY merely modified it (and it essentially displays the same biscione pennant as is shown in Capponi cassone) . Below, is: 1) the detail of the far right gonfalone in the 1459/60 cassone (white brocade with wreaths); 2) my reconstruction of what the ur-tarot might have looked like (I added in the bottom of the horse/caparison from the "3 dukes" cassone in the Sforza Castello and put the red lily on the banner, while making a nod to the Parte Guelfa by placing their arms in the wreath on the horse); 3) the CVI page of swords in 'triumphal' white/floral brocade; and 4) Botticelli's 1482 Minerva and the Centaur detail, showing a very similar white dress with laurel/flower brocade from 1482 (and note the halberd is the same held by the CVI chariot figure - one reason I date the CVI to the Pazzi/Papal wars of 1478-1482, so the last of the hand-painted 15th c. decks).

Image

A final Florentine ur-tarot 'world' reconstruction next to the CY 'world', the latter serving as the base of the reconstruction, on which I added a virtue bust from the CVI, kept the CY winged trumpet (although I think a laurel wreath or lilies more likely) and added a book as is more typical of Fama depictions (but this would be 'the fama of the Prudent Florentia'; the book especially salient in light of Bruni's famed History of the Florentine People, now entered into the greater book of 'world fame' here), the city skyline adapted from that in the background of Francesco Botticini's Assumption of the Virgin made for Palmieri in c. 1475 (the skyline did not change from c. 1440):


! ur-tarot and CY worlds.jpg ! ur-tarot and CY worlds.jpg Viewed 1555 times 132.7 KiB

The inserted banner-bearer is the weakest detail of all, but such are my limited photoshopping talents - this is all merely suggestive of what I think could be a typical outcome based on the the Florentine traditions discussed above.

Phaeded

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

38
In the examination of processions, at least some of which were called trionfi at the time (I don't know about all, before the cards and Petrarch's cycle became popular), don't forget our previous thread on the topic, 8 web-pages long, starting at viewtopic.php?f=11&t=1092, which focused on two excellent and then-current notes by Franco Pratesi on the topic. The majority of the posts otherwise are by me, with a few by Phaeded and Huck. None are by Ross, so perhaps he was engaged in another project at the time.

I don't think anyone - at least these days - doubts the relevance of these processions to the game with the same name as some of them (or all?). That's where Petrarch got his title from, if nothing else. I think in addition it frees the allegory from a Petrarchan model of one allegory triumphing over another; in a procession, that is not the point. However, the game does involve one card triumphing over others in the same series, so that aspect of Petrarch is also relevant.

I have sometimes wondered if Petrarch was aware of trick-taking card games when he wrote the last three parts of his series. That virtue triumphs over vice, and fortune and death over worldly goals, were medieval commonplaces. I'm not aware of fame triumphing over death, time over fame, and eternity over time, as that common prior to Petrarch. If trick-taking card games were around, that could have stimulated his imagination. But I don't know the prior literature very well. Perhaps it's in Dante.

Re: Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita) Triumph of King Alfonso 1443

39
mikeh wrote: 07 Sep 2023, 23:56 In the examination of processions, at least some of which were called trionfi at the time (I don't know about all, before the cards and Petrarch's cycle became popular), don't forget our previous thread on the topic, 8 web-pages long, starting at viewtopic.php?f=11&t=1092, which focused on two excellent and then-current notes by Franco Pratesi on the topic. The majority of the posts otherwise are by me, with a few by Phaeded and Huck. None are by Ross, so perhaps he was engaged in another project at the time.
Very much another project - moving into a new house! One with a yard as well that needed work. I was extremely busy with this from April through September 2016.

My commenting might not have added much at the time. Although I had some ideas on the triumph-genre in general, there was still a lot to study in the intervening years. I think I would have already said, though, that it is probably a waste of time to look to for a direct literary inspiration, or a festival one, for the sequence of trumps in the game. Every kind of triumph is made to measure for its specific context, however much certain themes, like Love, Virtue, and Fame, overlap among them.
I don't think anyone - at least these days - doubts the relevance of these processions to the game with the same name as some of them (or all?). That's where Petrarch got his title from, if nothing else. I think in addition it frees the allegory from a Petrarchan model of one allegory triumphing over another; in a procession, that is not the point. However, the game does involve one card triumphing over others in the same series, so that aspect of Petrarch is also relevant.
In the card game, the ludic ranking and the moral symbolism are not necessarily identical. Marziano's example is instructive: when he overlays the numbered ranking, 1-Jupiter highest to 16-Cupid lowest, thereby creating a trump sequence, he obscures and changes the symbolic relationship among the gods.

That is, while there is an intuitive rightness to Jupiter and Juno leading the group, there is no reason, mythological or otherwise, why Minerva should outrank Venus, Venus Apollo, Apollo Neptune, Neptune Diana, etc. The numbered hierarchy creates this ranking or trumping power, not innate symbolism or meaning. There is no narrative in the hierarchical sequence, it is purely ludic. The meaning of the gods is found in their moral categories of Virtues, Riches, Virginities, and Pleasures, and in this they have no rank, they are all different exempla of the category. Marziano occasionally thought of symbolism of the ranking, though, as when he puts Mercury "at the ninth, fairly middle, place", because he is the intermediary of the gods. And of course Cupid, who doesn't deserve to be there at all, last, but "the order of our game requires it."

I think of these features as the horizontal and vertical dimensions; the horizontal is the linear, ludic, hierarchy, which only has an incidental relationship to the meaning in some cases; the vertical is the symbolic or narrative dimension, how the game was conceived and created, what it means.

I believe that the Tarot trumps share this accidental feature to a lesser degree, since, while they were given a linear, hierarchical ranking, there were no numbers inscribed on them, and the image's meaning alone indicated its relative ranking. Thus the trumps' individual meanings more closely reflect their place in the hierarchy. But, the choice of images and their places also has the vertical dimension, the narrative meaning, which is independent of the strict linear dimension when they are ranked for play.
I have sometimes wondered if Petrarch was aware of trick-taking card games when he wrote the last three parts of his series. That virtue triumphs over vice, and fortune and death over worldly goals, were medieval commonplaces. I'm not aware of fame triumphing over death, time over fame, and eternity over time, as that common prior to Petrarch. If trick-taking card games were around, that could have stimulated his imagination. But I don't know the prior literature very well. Perhaps it's in Dante.
I urgently recommend Gianni Guastella, Word of Mouth: Fama and Its Personifications in Art and Literature from Ancient Rome to the Middle Ages (Oxford UP, 2017), if you don't have it.

Chapter 7, "Beyond Death," for instance, shows how those themes you mention are ancient, and ultimately inform Petrarch's construction, and not only in the Trionfi.
cron