Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#1
Below is an automatic translation of ...
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ca ... rafico%29/

According Andrea Vitali the male line between the great condottiero Castruccio and Prince Fibbia runs ....
Castruccio (died 1328 with 3 sons) - Enrico or Arrigo (died 1357 in Bologna as a head of a rebellion) - Orlando (died 1391 after having a lot of occupations outside of Lucca) - Prince Fibbia and brothers.

The article below ends with a note, that all male descendents of the great condottieri were dead with a heavy plague in 1399. " With the death of Orlando's children and the death of Vallerano di Vallerano's children, which occurred by plague in 1399, Castruccio Castracani's male lineage died out.".
That's a contradiction to the thesis of Andrea Vitali. But - naturally - a plague can create situations, that persons, which are declared as dead, in reality still live.
CASTRACANI DEGLI ANTELMINELLI , Arrigo, called the Duchino. - Firstborn of Castruccio di Gerio and Pina di Iacopo Streghi da Monteggiori, he was probably born in 1304. Nineteen years old, on 20 sept. 1323, he bought half of a palace in Pontremoli and in 1324 he built the Arrighina fortress and the Ghibellina fortress in Pietrasanta. During the risky dispute with the Florentines for the occupation of Pistoia, C. was associated with his father in the domain, and was appointed captain general and rector for life by the elders of Lucca (18 June 1325); later, when Castruccio was created by Ludovico il Bavaro duke of Lucca, Pistoia, Volterra and Luni (17 Nov. 1327), C. found himself in a leading position as heir and designated successor of his father. On January 17, 1328, the same day of the coronation of Ludovico il Bavaro in Rome, Castruccio signed the marriage contract,which then were not celebrated, by C. with Alasia, daughter of Sciarra Colonna, head of the Roman Ghibellines; the announcement of the engagement marked the culmination of the fortunes of the lord of Lucca. Precisely in those days C. and his brother Vallerano, who remained in Tuscany, were unable to defend Pistoia from the assault of the Florentines led by Filippo di Sangineto, vicar of the Duke of Calabria, and were driven out (January 27, 1328). The unfortunate episode highlighted how many enemies and what pitfalls the young C. would have to juggle to maintain a dominion whose construction was based solely, as the facts will show, on the political and military genius of his father. The latter, promptly returned to Pisa, managed to block any further Florentine action, and to organize the reconquest of Pistoia,which fell into his hands on 3 ag. 1328. After his father died prematurely, who died of fevers on September 3 of that same year, C., designated by his father as his successor by will, suddenly found himself facing very serious problems.

The inheritance was difficult: Castruccio himself, before dying, had suggested that his death be kept secret, to allow his children to take firm hold of the ducal power and, above all, to preserve Pisa, which, although already assigned to Castracani as an imperial vicariate, was ill suited to the dominion of the Lucca. However, the delayed announcement of Castruccio's death was not of substantial use to his heirs: Ludovico il Bavaro, who was in Maremma at the siege of Grosseto, when he learned of the death of the Duke of Lucca, occupied Pisa on 21 September, depriving himself of made the C .; passed to Lucca, on 7 October "he raised noise" and "reformed the land to his lordship", leaving the burgrave Federico of Nuremberg as his vicar; therefore, annoyed byfriendship that his representative showed for the Castracani, confined them and their mother to Pontremoli and created Frederick of Ottingen vicar (nov. 1328). A sedition of German knights, already loyal to Castruccio, forced Bavaro to take milder advice: he granted Pina degli Streghi and her younger sons the income from Monteggiori (December 17) and apparently allowed C. participated in the government. However, since C. was unable to impose his authority in Lucca nor was he able to dominate the opposition of the di Poggio family - so much so that bloody scuffles broke out in the city between the supporters of the opposing factions -, the emperor got rid of the city giving it for 22,000 florins to Francesco Castracani (March 16, 1329), and confined Castruccio's eldest son to Monteggiori. In those very days he failed,for the opposition of the Panciatichi, the Muli, the Gualfreducci and the Vergellesi, an attempt by the Castruccini and the sons of Filippo de 'Tedici, their brother-in-law, to occupy Pistoia.

From this moment on C. - disappointed and resentful - tried every way to regain the domains he had lost almost in the very act of succeeding his father, taking advantage of the precariousness of the political situation in Lucca and the instability of the various governments that succeeded each other in leadership of the city.

The Bavaro then moved to Lombardy, where the Viscontis "did not answer him as he wished, due to the question already raised against Messer Marco" and because he "showed that he was overthrowing the state of Castruccio's sons, who were with the so-called Visconti "(G. Villani). Indeed, Marco Visconti, regardless of the emperor, at the head of 600 German knights, who had mutinied and who were at Cerruglio, near Vivinaia, agreed with other "old gangs of Germans", left to guard the Augusta, and easily occupied Lucca (April 15, 1329). The new owners of the city "mandorano for Arrigo and his brothers ... and when they arrived they wanted to run the land". Negotiations were also started for the sale of Lucca to the Republic of Florence:a precondition for the agreement was the commitment by the Florentines to "forgive and leave Castruccio's children in some citizen state and not gentlemen", a commitment which however seemed unacceptable to Florentine pride.

In reality, the Castracani did not renounce the traditional policy of enmity towards Florence: shortly afterwards they agreed with other exponents of the Ghibelline faction to have Montecatini raised (July 17).

After Lucca was sold to Gherardino Spinola, a Genoese Ghibelline in exile (2 weeks), C., with the support of some Teutonic knights, attempted a coup, which failed (December 27). In 1331 the city, besieged by the Florentines and reduced to a bad start, rather than surrender, offered itself to the King of Bohemia, John of Luxembourg, son of Arrigo VII, who had come to Italy to support Brescia. Two years later, wishing to take advantage of the discontent of the Lucchesi disappointed by the venality of the king, C., who lived in Parma, returned to Tuscany and on the night of 25 Sept. 1331 attacked his hometown, he got the better of the garrisons that defended it. Adhering to his faction they broke into the archives of the Municipality and destroyed the notices following the fall of Castruccio, setting fire to public documents. The triumph was short. King John,after two days, he passed easily through the Augusta, which had not been conquered, and, having reaffirmed his dominion over the city, he banished C. and his supporters as traitors, who managed to maintain, however, until the following year, the occupation of Barga.

During the lordship of Marsilio, Pietro and Rolando Rossi of Parma, who had bought Lucca for 35,000 florins, on 3 October. 1333, the Castracani degli Antelminelli got back the goods they had before the sedition, on condition that their leader, C., committed himself to remain in exile and gave up the fortified places he controlled (31 Oct 1333). The agreement was sealed by the wedding of C. with Costanza di Rolando Rossi, which was solemnly celebrated on "die dominico" 23 Oct 1334 in Parma.

Having passed Lucca from the dominion of the Rossi to that of Mastino Della Scala for 30,000 florins (November 1335), C. maintained friendly relations with the new lord, at least until the Scaligero started negotiations to cede the city to the Municipality of Florence. According to what Sercambi affirms, C., in agreement with Francesco Castracani, then secretly urged the Pisans to intervene in the Lucca question, and - again according to the chronicler - it seems that he was flattered by this with very specific promises. However, until the end of June 1341, C. collected the commission of 3,600 florins per year which was paid to him by Mastino; therefore, he openly broke away from him and passed on to his opponents. Therefore he was declared a rebel, deprived of honors and possessions, which passed, like those of his own, to Chello, Giovanni,Lando and Lemmo da Poggio (8 August 1341).

Although he had validly collaborated in the conquest of the city of Lucca by the Pisans - among other things he had heroically exposed himself in the "held and bitter battle" of October 1341 in which he was captured by the Florentines -, C. did not succeed either aimed at becoming lord of his city. Occupied Lucca, the Pisans in fact entrusted its government not to Castruccio's son, but to his nephew, the lord of Pisa himself, Ranieri Novello della Gherardesca, count of Donoratico (6 July 1342). Irritated against his ancient allies, C. ordì, with the support of Luchino Visconti, a conspiracy to get rid of the lord of Pisa, but he was discovered and took refuge in Garfagnana, while his brother Vallerano was taken prisoner. A new conflict followed, in the course of which C. lost betweenanother is the Corsena castle (1343) which was assigned, with the gabelles, to Francesco Castracani. Less in strength than his opponents, C., on the advice of Spinetta Malaspina, returned to turn for help to Luchino Visconti, then rather resentful towards the Pisans.

C.'s request fell as timely as ever because it offered the Visconti a new opportunity to continue his policy of penetrating Tuscany, which he gave so much thought to the Florentines. At the conclusion of laborious negotiations, during which the Pisans had time to occupy Lucchio and Monteggiori as well, C. received from the Visconti the task of defending the Malaspina and Pietrasanta, and was able to start the new cycle of military operations, which saw Visconti militias were also involved with him. They fought in the Pisan countryside, in Lunigiana, in Val di Serchio, in Versilia; but not even with this war the son of Castruccio was able to be reinstated in the possessions that had belonged to his father. With the peace, which the Pisans had sought almost sincebeginning but which became possible only after the death - it was said by poisoning - of the bishop of Luni, and which was stipulated in Pietrasanta, with the mediation of Filippino Gonzaga on 17 May 1345, Visconti undertook to leave Pietrasanta, Massa, Carrara and how much he held from Lunigiana, in exchange for 80,000 florins; for the heirs of Castruccio he obtained the restitution of the family assets and a prerogative of 250 flowers per month, "not being in Lucca or in the countryside". Disappointed by the peace clauses, C. with his natural brother Altino expressed his disappointment by allowing his people to sack Pietrasanta and other places that were to be ceded to the Pisans. In the following weapons he did not neglect to intervene in the struggles between the Pisan factions, as a supporter of Andrea Gambacorta, head of the Bergolini,against the Raspanti.

Forced to the life of the exile, C. usually resided in Milan: his figure still had to appear very influential, also due to the protection granted him by the Visconti, if in 1349 the count Gherardo della Gherardesca, went to speak with him "in certainly designated place ", it was for this reason alone declared rebellious to the Republic by the Pisan magistrates.

Descended in Italy in 1354 the new emperor, Charles IV of Luxembourg, C. was able to enter the favor of the sovereign, who made him a knight in 1355. The Lucchesi, to free themselves from the Pisan dominion, turned to the emperor, offering him the city . Charles IV, who arrived in Pisa on 18 Jan. 1355, he did not want or could not take a decision on the matter. In this climate of tension and uncertainty, a new attempt by C., his brother Vallerano, and Francesco Castracani was inserted, with the aim of reconstituting a family domain. Lucca would have belonged to the two brothers, while the Garfagnana would have been given to their cousin and his descendants. Even this attempt, however, was destined to fail. Believing that Francesco Castracani had agreed to their detriment with the emperor, C.and his brother killed him in the ducal palace of Massa Pisana (May 19, 1355) and fled, taking refuge first in Pietrasanta, and then in Lombardy.

The natural brother of C., Altino, made Monteggiori and the Argentiera fortress rebel; then, captured by the Pisans, who had urged the emperor to lay siege to Monteggiori, he was beheaded. The C., however, did not lay down his arms and, after the emperor's departure, conquered Verrucchio and Capraia; but it appears that already in February 1356 he was in Bologna where he made his will in the same year, entrusting his son to the protection of the Visconti and Cangrande II Della Scala.

In Bologna, on 11 February 1357, he concluded his spirited life on the scaffold, found guilty of having conspired against Giovanni da Oleggio in favor of the Visconti. With its disappearance, the danger of the Castracani domination of Lucca came to an end and there was a slowdown in the Visconti penetration in Tuscany.

Orlando , son of C., took particular care in restoring the finances of the family; it is known that he rented the Pontremoli palace and other properties. In 1361 he received a commission of 100 gold florins per month from the Municipality of Pisa "by staying where he likes outside the province of Tuscany ... or by approaching the land of Pisa in Lunigiana and Garfagnana for 100 miles". In 1369 he supported the attempt of his cousin Alderigo Antelminelli to take over Lucca. In 1373-75 he served Gregory XI as captain of knights, later he was in the service of Lucca itself, with which he came to a settlement receiving an annual commission for himself and the descendants. He was podestà of Genoa in 1377.

After marrying Simona de 'Fensi of Count Francesco da Prato in 1380, he lent his services to the Genoese and in 1383 became governor of Brescia. Also in 1383 he made a proxy to sell a house in Sarzana; in 1384 he made a proxy with his cousin Giovanni (called Vallerano) of Vallerano, to rent some properties; in these same years he bought a part of the Aghinolfi castle and of Montignoso and obtained by way of restitution of the assets from the Marquis of Massa. To his sons Castruccio, Arrigo and Francesco, Orlando left, with a will of 25 Oct. 1391, a good patrimony, also increased by the conspicuous inheritance of aunt Caterina, Marquise of Mulazzo. With the death of Orlando's children and the death of Vallerano di Vallerano's children, which occurred by plague in 1399, Castruccio Castracani's male lineage died out.
I find a book with the title ..
25. Bottero, A. (1942). ‘La peste in Milano nel 1399–1400 e l’opera di Giangaleazzo
Visconti.’ Atti e Memorie dell’Academia di Storia del Arte Sanitaria, ser. 2, no. 8.

Storiadimilano.it has ...
1400
Giubileo non ufficiale indetto dal papa di Roma Bonifacio IX, che ottiene più successo di quello del 1390, malgrado la peste che aveva colpito proprio Roma.
1400 estate
Epidemia di peste. Gian Galeazzo Visconti si preoccupa di trovare un luogo dove mettere gli appestati e dove seppellire i morti di peste. Nel primi mesi del 1400 viene individuato un terreno fuori Porta Orientale, il locum Caminadellae sulla strada per Cassinetta di Lugagnano. Il terreno viene donato da Gian Galeazzo che lo usava per tenervi i cani. I motivi della scelta di Porta Orientale sono due: i venti non portano quasi mai l'aria da est verso la città; il morbo giungeva in generale da Venezia.
http://www.storiadimilano.it/cron/dal1376al1400.htm
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#2
Peste in Empoli 1399....
Image
https://necrologie.iltirreno.gelocal.it/news/102652
"E che ha lasciato tracce tangibili del suo passaggio, a partire da un’opera d’arte – la tavola di San Nicola da Tolentino – contenuta all’interno della chiesa di Santo Stefano degli Agostiniani e in grado di proteggere le genti dalle pestilenze."
"Raggiunge il suo apice nel 1399, ma Empoli sembra uscirne meglio di altri castelli. Ed è proprio in virtù di questo che alcuni anni dopo il ricco mercante Paolo di Giugliemo Donnini commissiona all’artista Bicci di Lorenzo una tavola che raffiguri colui a cui la devozione popolare assegna il merito di aver salvato la città: San Nicola da Tolentino."
Automatic translation.
"And which has left tangible traces of its passage, starting with a work of art - the panel of San Nicola da Tolentino - contained within the church of Santo Stefano degli Agostiniani and capable of protecting the people from plagues. "
"It reaches its peak in 1399, but Empoli seems to come out better than other castles. And it is precisely because of this that a few years later the rich merchant Paolo di Giugliemo Donnini commissioned the artist Bicci di Lorenzo a panel depicting the one who popular devotion assigns the credit for saving the city: San Nicola da Tolentino. "

Empoli is about 25 km West of Florence, as Florence at the river Arno. The location Fucecchio, which should be the Fusecchio in "FRANCESCO ANTELMINELLI CASTRACANI FIBBIA, PRINCIPE DI PISA, MONTEGIORI, E PIETRA SANTA, E SIGNORE DI FUSECCHIO", is about 11 km West of Empoli and also at the river Arno. Here - according Machiavelli - took place the bloody spectacle ...
"In the early part of May 1328, the Florentines put in motion this army
and quickly occupied Lastra, Signa, Montelupo, and Empoli, passing
from thence on to San Miniato. When Castruccio heard of the enormous
army which the Florentines were sending against him, he was in no
degree alarmed, believing that the time had now arrived when Fortune
would deliver the empire of Tuscany into his hands, for he had no
reason to think that his enemy would make a better fight, or had
better prospects of success, than at Pisa or Serravalle. He assembled
twenty thousand foot soldiers and four thousand horsemen, and with
this army went to Fucecchio, whilst he sent Pagolo Guinigi to Pisa
with five thousand infantry. Fucecchio has a stronger position than
any other town in the Pisan district, owing to its situation between
the rivers Arno and Gusciana and its slight elevation above the
surrounding plain. Moreover, the enemy could not hinder its being
victualled unless they divided their forces, nor could they approach
it either from the direction of Lucca or Pisa, nor could they get
through to Pisa, or attack Castruccio's forces except at a
disadvantage. In one case they would find themselves placed between
his two armies, the one under his own command and the other under
Pagolo, and in the other case they would have to cross the Arno to get
to close quarters with the enemy, an undertaking of great hazard. In
order to tempt the Florentines to take this latter course, Castruccio
withdrew his men from the banks of the river and placed them under the
walls of Fucecchio, leaving a wide expanse of land between them and
the river."

Some time later (for the results of June 10) Machiavelli added ....

"Of the Florentines there fell twenty thousand two hundred and
thirty-one men, whilst Castruccio lost one thousand five hundred and
seventy men.
"

http://www.online-literature.com/machiavelli/1068/
According Italian wiki ...
Il 14 dicembre 1330, a seguito di propria istanza, il comune di Fucecchio entrò sotto la potestà della Repubblica Fiorentina e da quella data ne seguì le sorti e i voleri[9], accettando tra le altre cose anche il Podestà che sarebbe stato designato dalla Signoria.
Automatic translation: "On 14 December 1330, following its own request, the municipality of Fucecchio entered under the power of the Florentine Republic and from that date it followed its fate and wishes, accepting among other things the Podestà who would be designated by the Signoria.

How under these conditions it was possible, that Prince Fibbia later was called "SIGNORE DI FUSECCHIO" I don't know.

http://didmat.dima.unige.it/documenti/R ... d_sc12.pdf
Some material, which gives the impression, that also Lucca had problems in the plague of 1399-1400.

http://www.cosmovisions.com/ChronoPestesMA02.htm
Notes, that the plague was in Florence between April and October 1399

Treccani.it has it, that all male descendents of the condottiero Castruccio had died in the plague of 1399. That isn't naturally true. Somebody might disappear in Lucca or Fusecchio and find himself still living in Bologna. Especially in a time, when a lot of people die.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#3
In the translated Treccani article to Enrico/Arrigo Antelminelli ...
viewtopic.php?t=2078&p=23451#p23448
we have the following passage ....
Orlando , son of C., took particular care in restoring the finances of the family; it is known that he rented the Pontremoli palace and other properties. In 1361 he received a commission of 100 gold florins per month from the Municipality of Pisa "by staying where he likes outside the province of Tuscany ... or by approaching the land of Pisa in Lunigiana and Garfagnana for 100 miles". In 1369 he supported the attempt of his cousin Alderigo Antelminelli to take over Lucca. In 1373-75 he served Gregory XI as captain of knights, later he was in the service of Lucca itself, with which he came to a settlement receiving an annual commission for himself and the descendants. He was podestà of Genoa in 1377.
.... and the sentence "In 1369 he supported the attempt of his cousin Alderigo Antelminelli to take over Lucca."
Image
relates to the date April 16 1369 and to ...
"befiehlt dem Roland und Walleram degli Antelminelli vor ihm zu erscheinen und von den Streitigkeiten in ihrer Verwandtschaft abzustehen. Aus Archiv zu Lucca nach dem repert. (Lettera orig. in carta nella serie degli atti di Castruccio e degli Antelminelli dist. 3)"
"Roland" is "Orlando" and "Walleram" means "Alderigo", I guess ... ??? Or Vallerano ???? Vallerano looks more probable.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#4
Prince Fibbia is on the painting called SIGNORE DI FUSECCHIO. Fusecchio should be that, what is today called Fucecchio.
In this 3 articles, which relates to Fucecchio and the years 1330-1400, the name Antelminelli isn't noted. Likely the title is just postulated as an older possession before 1330, without regarding the actual reality in the following 70 years.

http://www.fucecchionline.it/storiafuce ... tolo8.html
http://www.fucecchionline.it/storiafuce ... tolo9.html
http://www.fucecchionline.it/storiafuce ... olo10.html
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#5
I found a short biography of Bruzio Visconti, with whom we had some occupation earlier:
viewtopic.php?f=11&t=862

... at treccani.it
Viscónti, Bruzio (o Brizio). - Uomo politico (m. 1356), figlio naturale di Luchino che lo fece (1336) podestà di Lodi. Rifugiatosi a Bologna presso Giovanni Visconti da Oleggio, cospirò contro di lui e ne fu bandito. Amante della poesia e buon poeta egli stesso, nel 1344 scrisse (sotto altro nome) un violento carme contro il Petrarca, che rispose con due delle sue Epystole metrice (libro II, 11 e 18). Morì povero, in esilio nel Veneto.

Automatic translation:
Viscónti, Bruzio (or Brizio). - Politician (d. 1356), natural son of Luchino who made him (1336) mayor of Lodi. Taking refuge in Bologna with Giovanni Visconti da Oleggio, he conspired against him and was banished. A lover of poetry and a good poet himself, in 1344 he wrote (under another name) a violent poem against Petrarch, who replied with two of his Epystole metrice (books II, 11 and 18). He died poor, in exile in the Veneto.
Bruzio also participated in a rebellion against Giovanni Visconti di Oleggio as Enrico or Arrigo degli Antelminelli, the grandfather of the Prince Fibbia from the Bolognese Tarocchino picture.

Also at treccani.it:
VISCONTI da Oleggio. - È un ramo dei Visconti di Milano, stabilitosi a Oleggio (km. 17,5 da Novara) nel sec. XII come quelli di Massimo e Invorio; perciò, come questi, appartatosi da Milano non ebbe parte nell'ascesa del ramo rimasto in città, benché non andasse perduta la coscienza dell'origine comune e milanese; nel 1277, nell'elenco delle famiglie nobili compilato dall'arcivescovo Ottone, sono ricordate due famiglie, di Oleggio e di Oleggio Castello. A quest'ultima appartenne l'unico personaggio noto della famiglia, Giovanni Visconti di Oleggio signore di Bologna e poi di Fermo. Una tradizione fissata da M. Villani, lo disse figlio naturale dell'arcivescovo Giovanni Visconti che lo proteggeva. Nacque invece da Filippo di Giovanni, verso il 1304, e seguì fin verso il 1336 la carriera ecclesiastica a Novara, quando il vescovo Giovanni Visconti, meglio conosciutolo, lo destinò alle armi: nel 1341 conducendo per Luchino Visconti truppe ai Pisani cadde prigioniero dei Fiorentini, venendo liberato poi dal duca d'Atene. Nel 1351 Giovanni lo mandò capitano del popolo e suo luogotenente a Bologna e come tale comandò le spedizioni viscontee in Toscana nel 1351 e 1352, la prima delle quali non riuscì a prendere Scarperia. Morto l'arcivescovo, Giovanni, sapendosi malvisto dai nipoti e successori, il 18 aprile 1335, sfruttando il malcontento dei Bolognesi, si fece riconoscere signore; ma poté a fatica difendersi contro l'ostinato sforzo di Bernabò Visconti per riprendere Bologna. Avversato prima dalla Chiesa, poi protetto dall'Albornoz, il 17 novembre 1360 cedeva Bologna al papa, ottenendo la signoria di Fermo e il rettorato della Marca. Morì a Fermo nel 1366.
Automatic translation :
VISCONTI from Oleggio. - It is a branch of the Visconti of Milan, who settled in Oleggio (17.5 km from Novara) in the century. XII like those of Massimo and Invorio; therefore, like these, he left Milan and had no part in the rise of the branch that remained in the city, although the awareness of the common and Milanese origin was not lost; in 1277, in the list of noble families compiled by archbishop Ottone, two families are mentioned, from Oleggio and Oleggio Castello. The latter was the only known character of the family, Giovanni Visconti di Oleggio, lord of Bologna and then of Fermo. A tradition established by M. Villani, said he was the natural son of Archbishop Giovanni Visconti who protected him. Instead, he was born of Filippo di Giovanni, around 1304, and followed his ecclesiastical career in Novara until around 1336, when the better known bishop Giovanni Visconti assigned him to arms: in 1341, leading troops to the Pisans for Luchino Visconti, he fell a prisoner of the Florentines , later being freed by the Duke of Athens. In 1351 Giovanni sent him captain of the people and his lieutenant to Bologna and as such he commanded the Visconti expeditions to Tuscany in 1351 and 1352, the first of which was unable to take Scarperia. When the archbishop died, Giovanni, knowing that he was frowned upon by his nephews and successors, on 18 April 1335[possibly typo-mistake], exploiting the discontent of the Bolognese, he made himself known as lord; but he could hardly defend himself against the obstinate effort of Bernabò Visconti to retake Bologna. First opposed by the Church, then protected by Albornoz, on 17 November 1360 he ceded Bologna to the pope, obtaining the lordship of Fermo and the rectorate of the Marca. He died in Fermo in 1366.
Detail from treccani.it article "CASTRACANI DEGLI ANTELMINELLI, Arrigo, detto il Duchino"
A Bologna, l'11 febbr. 1357,concluse sul patibolo la sua animosa esistenza, riconosciuto colpevole di aver congiurato contro Giovanni da Oleggio in favore dei Visconti. Con la sua scomparsa veniva a cessare il pericolo della dominazione dei Castracani su Lucca e si aveva un rallentamento della penetrazione viscontea in Toscana.
Automatic translation
In Bologna, on February 11th. 1357, he concluded his spirited existence on the scaffold, found guilty of having conspired against Giovanni da Oleggio in favor of the Visconti. With its disappearance the danger of the domination of the Castracani on Lucca came to an end and there was a slowdown of the Visconti penetration in Tuscany.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: Ancestors of Prince Fibbia

#6
Here is a modern research to Prince Fibbia. It understands Prince Fibbia as the husband of a daughter of Orlando Antelminelli (who otherwise is considered as the father of Prince Fibbia). In this version Prince Fibbia is a Francesco Fiubbe * 1360/70 who married NN Castracani c.1395. This Fibbia-Fiubbe family is from Florence and entered in Bologna 1286 according Dolfi, 1670, p. 320 (see below). Francesco Antelminelli (the other identity of Prince Fibbia, son of Orlando, is considered as having died by the plague of 1399 as his brothers.
The article has 4 pages (! the mouse must move to the bottom of the start page to see the 4 pages !). The researched person is at page 2, point XIII.12448.
The author (Nikolai Wandruszka) takes the Tarocchino picture as a later forgery. The article has a link to the page of Andrea Vitali.
https://www.yumpu.com/de/document/read/ ... genealogie
Nikolai Wandruszka has been listed with 14 publications at ...
http://opac.regesta-imperii.de/lang_en/ ... 2C+Nikolai
... and 6 of these relate to Bologna and more or less all relate to genealogy. He definitely might be called an expert. The article is written in German language.

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Cronologia delle famiglie nobili di Bologna con le loro insegne, e nel fine i cimieri. Centuria prima, con vn breue discorso della medesima citta di Pompeo Scipione Dolfi .. by Pompeo Scipione Dolfi
presso Gio. Battista Ferroni, 1670 - 740 pages, Fibbia-family at p. 320
https://books.google.de/books?id=fQJNZw ... do&f=false
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