Re: German source to Beatrice Cane

#11
Thanks for the input, Huck. I've now revised my translation above in the light of your comments, as follows:

- "if it was the land that the lady held in full" is now "as the land was completely faithful to the lady" (I totally failed to see that "der frowen" was not in the nominative case! Very embarrassing... And I read "wann" as basically meaning "wenn" but I should have read it as "denn, weil", as the Grimm dictionary makes clear)
- "amorousness of the boys" is now "wantonness with the boys" (I knew that "bulerige" must be derived from buhlen, but I wasn't aware that "bulerige" was a variant form of "Buhlerei". I also wasn't totally sure about how negative/pejorative it was meant to be, and I'm still not totally sure about that: did Windeck mean "wantonness, lechery" or did he mean something more neutral, like "loveplay, amorousness"? Given the general tone of the text, I have decided to go with the former, but I'm still not sure about it)

I haven't changed my translation of übertragen because I don't think Huck's interpretation of that is correct. I think this is fairly clear from the syntax of the sentence and from the Grimm dictionary's discussion of the word, which I linked in my translation. The Grimm dictionary gives the following example, which seems similar to this instance: "nhd.: doch übertruge Karl mit den kurfürsten ... das sie seinen sun Wentzlaw zu romischen kunig erkoren".

"beducht" is a variant form of "bedunkt". See the examples given at https://fwb-online.de/lemma/bedunken.s.3v, including "dorumb beduͤchte sy not, das sy sich anheimsch fuͤgten." Other variant forms were bedaucht, bedücht, beduht, etc. But I'm still not 100% sure about my interpretation of its exact meaning in that sentence.

Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote:
11 Feb 2021, 16:26
Does the "his lands" in the last lines refer to Filippo Maria's or King Sigmund's lands? Or is it unclear?
I think it's clear that Filippo Maria is the referent of he/his in these lines. The whole text is very much focused on F.M., so it just doesn't work for it to switch completely to Sigismund at the end. And of course the text is also focused on F.M.'s nefariousness, and these last lines are another example of that.

I should possibly also note that "zúgen," which I translated as witnesses, doesn't necessarily mean the witnesses at Beatrice's trial—it's more likely that it's being used in a more figurative sense to mean people who were around at the time and witnessed the events unfolding, because Windeck doesn't otherwise refer the trial at all. But at the same time, I don't think the literal meaning of trial witnesses can be totally ruled out either.

Re: German source to Beatrice Cane

#12
Nathaniel wrote:
12 Feb 2021, 04:21
Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote:
11 Feb 2021, 16:26
Does the "his lands" in the last lines refer to Filippo Maria's or King Sigmund's lands? Or is it unclear?
I think it's clear that Filippo Maria is the referent of he/his in these lines. The whole text is very much focused on F.M., so it just doesn't work for it to switch completely to Sigismund at the end. And of course the text is also focused on F.M.'s nefariousness, and these last lines are another example of that.
Thanks, that's what I would have guessed, too. It helps explain what I wondered about, why the contemporary Milanese sources, Biglia and Decembrio, don't give a hint of it. Decembrio at least was writing after Filippo Maria's death, so he had no reason not to mention it, if he knew of it. Neither author was there at the time, although Decembrio arrived the next year into the duke's service. I'll have to check on Biglia's itinerary, actually. Other sources outside of the duchy discuss it too, since it was a scandal, but I have not read everything. But if it is true that she was undermining Filippo Maria's policy, endangering his grand strategy and his relationship with Sigmund, it could be that few knew of it, and he swore them to secrecy under harsh penalty, as Windeck says. Any "leaks" like Windeck's - and Fleury's sources - are therefore from close sources that betrayed their confidence for some reason.
I should possibly also note that "zúgen," which I translated as witnesses, doesn't necessarily mean the witnesses at Beatrice's trial—it's more likely that it's being used in a more figurative sense to mean people who were around at the time and witnessed the events unfolding, because Windeck doesn't otherwise refer the trial at all. But at the same time, I don't think the literal meaning of trial witnesses can be totally ruled out either.
I'll remain hesitant on this point, then. I don't know either, there are no records of the trial, just the name of the judge and second-hand accounts.

Windeck's remarks on Martin V's arrival seem to conflate the chronology of the visit of Martin V with Beatrice's execution. But Martin didn't even arrive in Pavia until six weeks after Beatrice's arrest, and three weeks after her execution. I don't know when Filippo Maria was notified of his coming, but it would have to have been at least a week before 23 August, since the trip from Mantua would take at least that long with the papal retinue. So nearly two months before the execution.

It could be that he announced his intentions to come to Milan that far in advance of all of that, but it seems unlikely given that he arrived on 12 October and only stayed to 18 October. He spent more time in Pavia than in Milan - 5 October to 11 October. But maybe it's true - Filippo Maria was in charge of his stay in both places, he wanted to make a good impression on the Pope, who was also a friend of Sigmund.
Image

Re: German source to Beatrice Cane

#14
Huck wrote:
13 Feb 2021, 20:27
In the Regesten the name Visconti appears 1417/18 at ...

1417, July 30
1418, Jan 5
1418, Feb 2
1418, Feb 2
1418, Apr 2
1418, Apr 27
1418, July 13

You could research this here ...
http://www.regesta-imperii.de/regesten/ ... a8d2#rinav
... or here ...
https://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bs ... seite=0182
Thanks. I have some material to post as well soon.
The name "Tenda" does not appear
It would not, she was not "da Tenda." It was a later historian in 1503, Corio, who first called her "Beatrice da Tenda." In fact she was the daughter of Ruggero Cane, a condottiere. The blood relationship of Ruggero Cane to Facino Cane is not known.

"Beatrice, duchessa di Milano" - Dizionario biografico degli Italiani
https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/du ... iografico)
Contro la tradizionale identificazione di B. con una Lascaris sta un documento - già pubblicato dal Volta nel 1895, ma solo recentemente segnalato dal Cognasso (Chi sia stata B. di Tenda, pp. 111 ss.) come determinante per la risoluzione del problema, una procura di B. stessa per la trattazione di affari concernenti i beni ereditati dal padre in Genova, nella quale essa è chiamata figlia ed erede di Ruggero Cane, cioè di quel condottiero che, appartenente verosimilmente alla stessa famiglia di Facíno, anche se non si sa in quale grado di parentela, intimo di Giovanni Acuto, era stato lungamente al servizio prima di Bernabò, poi di Gian Galeazzo Visconti. Il Cognasso conferma tale identificazione con la notizia contenuta in una lettera diretta a B., divenuta duchessa di Milano, da Giorgio Adorno per annunciarle la sua elezione a doge di Genova (marzo 1413): quest'ultimo ricorda, l'amicizia di suo fratello Antoniotto e in genere della sua famiglia con il padre e con il primo marito di lei, conte di Biandrate (ed. Rossi, p. 140). Ora, se delle relazioni di quest'ultimo con Antoniotto fa cenno anche un'altra lettera dei doge Giorgio Adorno del 7 apr. 1413 ai nipoti di Facino, Manfredo e Ludovico (cfr. A. Pesce, Il grado di parentela tra Facino e Ludovico Cane, in Bollett. stor-bibl. subalpino, XVII[1912], p. 134), ed è noto che egli passò dal servizio dei Visconti a quello degli Adorno nel maggio 1395, restandovi alcuni mesi (cfr. Valeri, pp. 66 ss.), per Ruggero di sicuro si sa solamente che era stato inviato il 20 nov. 1394 a Genova da Enguerrand de Coucy, capo della spedizione francese diretta alla conquista della città, per iniziare trattative con l'Adomo e che a Genova si era trattenuto fino al 16 dicembre dello, stesso anno (cfr. E. Jarry, Les origines de la domination française à Gênes [1392-1402], Paris 1896, pp. 100 s., 107); anche se è l'unico episodio noto può forse già giustificare l'accenno della lettera del doge e anche spiegare la presenza di quei beni in Genova, indicati dalla procura. Il Cognasso ricorda anche il giudizio del Decembrio (p. 20) che giudica B. non degna, per nascita, di Filippo Maria: se è possibile pensare che ai suoi occhi la nobiltà dei Lascaris potesse sembrare molto inferiore a quella dei Visconti, è chiaro però che le sue parole si spiegano molto meglio con il disprezzo per la famiglia dei condottieri Cane, provenienti tutt'al più dalla piccola nobiltà municipale. La stessa autorità che B. mostrerà di avere sulle truppe, al momento della morte di Facino, risulta più chiara pensandola nella figlia di un altro condottiero, le cui forze erano forse state conglobate nell'esercito del parente.
"Against the traditional identification of Beatrice with a Lascaris is a document - already published by Volta in 1895, but only recently pointed out by Cognasso (Chi sia stata B. di Tenda, pp. 111 ff.) as decisive for the resolution of the problem, a power of attorney of Beatrice herself for the handling of affairs concerning her father's property in Genoa, in which she is called daughter and heir of Ruggero Cane, that is that condottiero who, probably belonging to the same family as Facíno, although we do not know to what degree of kinship, was close to Giovanni Acuto, and had been in the service first of Bernabò, then of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. Cognasso confirms this identification with the information contained in a letter addressed to Beatrice, who had become Duchess of Milan, by Giorgio Adorno to announce his election as Doge of Genoa (March 1413): the latter recalls the friendship of his brother Antoniotto and in general of his family with her father and with her first husband, Count of Biandrate (ed. Rossi, p. 140). Now, if another letter from the doge Giorgio Adorno of 7 April 1413 to Facino's nephews, Manfredo and Ludovico, also mentions Antoniotto's relations with Antoniotto (cf. A. Pesce, "Il grado di parentela tra Facino e Ludovico Cane", in Bollett. stor-bibl. subalpino, XVII[1912], p. 134), and it is known that he passed from the service of the Visconti to that of the Adorno in May 1395, remaining there for some months (cf. Valeri, pp. 66 ff.), for Ruggero we only know that he was sent on 20 Nov. 1394 to Genoa by Enguerrand de Coucy, head of the French expedition to conquer the city, to begin negotiations with Adomo and that he stayed in Genoa until 16 December of the same year (cf. E. Jarry, Les origines de la domination française à Gênes [1392-1402], Paris 1896, pp. 100 f., 107); even if it is the only known episode, it can perhaps already justify the mention of the doge's letter and also explain the presence of those goods in Genoa, indicated by the power of attorney. Cognasso also recalls the judgement of Decembrio (p. 20) who judges Beatrice unworthy, by birth, of Filippo Maria: if it is possible to think that in his eyes the nobility of the Lascaris might have seemed much inferior to that of the Visconti, it is clear however that his words are much better explained by the contempt for the family of the condottieri Cane, at most coming from the small municipal nobility. The same authority that Beatrice showed she had over the troops, at the time of Facino's death, is clearer when one thinks of the daughter of another condottiero, whose forces had perhaps been incorporated into his relative's army."

Ruggero Cane, Condottieri di Ventura
https://condottieridiventura.it/ruggero-cane/ (he only says "suocero (father-in-law) di Facino Cane.")
Image

Re: German source to Beatrice Cane

#15
Here is a second Ruggero Cane "Ranieri", some years later than the other (14th century – Perugia, April 1441), involved in fights with Sigismondo.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ruggero_Cane_Ranieri

"Nacque intorno il 1380 in località sconosciuta in quanto il padre Costantino era stato cacciato da
Perugia dai Michelotti, e dal 1361 visse in esilio. Era nipote di un altro Ruggero figlio di Tancredi,
che visse alla corte dei duchi milanesi, al tempo di Barnabò Visconti."
... quoted from a download file
also at
https://condottieridiventura.it/ruggero-cane-ranieri/
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: German source to Beatrice Cane

#16
It doesn't precisely belong to Beatrice Cane ...
I've read a few things about Wenzel *1361), the young Roman king (crowned 1376 with 15 years) during the life time of his father, emperor Karl IV.. Two years later his father died, and Wenzel in the age of 17 became full responsible. This was probably too much for him, simply too early.
Giovanni Visconti, 4-years older brother of Filppo Maria, was 14, when his father Giangaleazzo died. His mother, who took some responsibility died soon, too.

Charles VI of France became king with 12 and crazy with 24.
Richard II (6 January 1367 – c. 14 February 1400), also known as Richard of Bordeaux, was King of England from 1377 (10 years old) until he was deposed in 1399 (died 1400).
Wenzel was deposed 1400 ...

German article: Der schlechteste deutsche König (worst German king)
https://www.welt.de/kultur/history/arti ... oenig.html
Lieber ging Wenzel auf die Jagd. Er betrieb dies so leidenschaftlich, dass er Tag und Nacht von einer Meute riesiger Jagdhunde umgeben war.
Am letzten Tag des Jahres 1386 geschah eine persönliche Katastrophe. Einer der Jagdhunde fiel Wenzels Gemahlin Johanna von Bayern an und biss sie zu Tode. Seit diesem Zeitpunkt veränderte sich Wenzels Wesen, er ergab sich hemmungslos dem Alkohol, wurde träge und bösartig. Manchmal bekam er furchtbare Wutanfälle. 1393 zerstritt er sich mit dem Prager Erzbischof, ließ einige seiner Berater verhaften und foltern, wobei er selbst Hand anlegte. Der Generalvikar Johann von Pomuk wurde auf Wenzels Befehl an ein Holzkreuz gebunden und am 20. März 1393 in der Moldau ertränkt. Daraus entstand die Legende vom Heiligen Nepomuk, der sterben mußte, weil er das Beichtgeheimnis der Königin nicht verraten wollte.
This sounds very similar to the bad behavior of Giovanni Visconti.

Here's a description of the time, when Giangaleazzo bought the duke title.

https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wenzel_(HRR)
1394 lud Jobst von Mähren führende Mitglieder des böhmischen Adels nach Prag ein, darunter Heinrich von Rosenberg auf Krumau, Heinrich der Ältere von Neuhaus, Brenek von Fels und Schwihau, Otto der Ältere von Bergow, Heinrich Berka von Duba auf Hohenstein, Wilhelm von Landstein, Jan Michalec z Michalovic a na Mladé Boleslavi, Boček II. von Podiebrad und Boresch IX. von Riesenburg der Jüngere. Am 5. Mai 1394 veröffentlichten sie eine gemeinsame Erklärung gegen den König.
Im April überfielen Boresch von Riesenberg und Bohuslav von Schwanberg mit weiteren Herren die Burg Toužim und nahmen Propst Georg fest, den Boresch anschließend auf der Burg Riesenburg festhielt. Der König reagierte wutentbrannt auf diesen Affront und befahl dem Prager Burggrafen Otto von Berg, ein Heer zusammenzustellen und die Aufständischen zu bestrafen. Otto folgte, zog jedoch mit den Soldaten nicht gegen die Rebellen, sondern gegen den König selbst. Während der Rückkehr von seiner Burg Žebrák wurde Wenzel gefangen genommen und im Weißen Turm auf der Prager Burg inhaftiert.
Wenzel wurde gezwungen, seinen Cousin, den Markgrafen Jobst, zum Hauptmann des böhmischen Königreichs zu ernennen. Ihm schlossen sich dann weitere böhmische Aristokraten an. Auf die Seite Wenzels schlug sich jedoch sein Bruder Johann von Görlitz, der in Kuttenberg eine Armee zusammenstellte. Die Rebellen zogen sich daraufhin mit dem König nach Südböhmen zurück. Zwischen beiden Lagern entbrannte ein erbitterter Krieg. Johann ließ die Höfe und Ländereien der Rosenberger plündern und besetzte Budweis. Am 30. Juni 1394 schloss man Frieden, und der auf Burg Wildberg gefangene Wenzel wurde freigelassen.
Der Frieden hielt nicht, und Ende 1394 trafen sich die Landesherren, diesmal in Alttabor wieder. Markgraf Jobst erhielt Unterstützung vom Meißner Markgrafen Wilhelm und dem von Verhandlungen mit seinem Bruder enttäuschten Johann von Görlitz. Die neue Koalition, an der sich diesmal auch Boresch VII. von Riesenburg der Ältere beteiligte, traf sich mit dem König auf dessen Burg Žebrák. In den von den höheren Adeligen vorgelegten Forderungen sollten diese alle wichtigen Ämter erhalten und damit das Land kontrollieren und verwalten. Auch dieses Friedensabkommen hielt nicht lange. Wenzel inhaftierte den Markgrafen Jobst und Boček II. von Podiebrad; gegen andere, darunter auch die Riesenburger, sollte ein Heer aufgestellt werden, angeführt von Bořivoj ze Svinař.
1395 wurde Jobst freigesetzt und zu Verhandlungen zugelassen; dies jedoch auf Kosten des Königsbruders Johann von Görlitz.
The English wiki article doesn't show much details.
May 11 1395 Giangalezzo got the title and the Inthronisation was in Mailand at September 5.

***********

Once I made a long list of European rulers ... in the period 1475-1500 (childhood of the playing cards) there were a lot of very young rulers.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

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