Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#261
I'm seeing Barzizza's 1412 oration for Filippo Maria as a parallel to Marziano.

For instance, one thing that stands out in Marziano's account of Hercules is to include, as his first act, "While still an unweaned infant, he had expelled the twin serpents." p. 75 Why include that? (he also had no need to remind Filippo Maria that Juno had sent them to kill Hercules, Aeneid 8:288-9)

Barzizza remarks (Stacey 178 line 6) that Filippo Maria's sapientia was shown to "consist in the extraordinary virtus that had been evident 'even in the cradle.'" The original, in a longer sentence, adds that this was by "multis signis" - many signs - in the cradle.

Both are pointedly reminding him of the great destiny foretold for him.

Doesn't look all that young here...
Image
https://www.timelessmyths.com/wp-conten ... rpents.jpg
Hercules strangles the serpents Painting from the House of the Vettii, Pompeii. 62-79 AD.


(I am tempted to see an allegory here, the "twin serpents" expelled having been Estorre and Gian Carlo Visconti, the first Bernabò's bastard, the second his grandson, who had occupied Milan immediately after Gian Maria's death, and ruled there, even issuing coins, until Filippo Maria simply chased them away on 16 June 1412.)

Decembrio tells us that astrologers saw great things for him, if he survived childhood (which turned out to be true), but he does not tell of the many signs.

Hercules is spoken a lot in the second person. When you hear it as Marziano speaking to Filippo Maria, as if Hercules, it is really a very direct address, much lilke Barzizza.
Image

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#262
Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote:
10 Apr 2020, 16:37
I'm seeing Barzizza's 1412 oration for Filippo Maria as a parallel to Marziano.

For instance, one thing that stands out in Marziano's account of Hercules is to include, as his first act, "While still an unweaned infant, he had expelled the twin serpents." p. 75 Why include that? (he also had no need to remind Filippo Maria that Juno had sent them to kill Hercules, Aeneid 8:288-9)

Barzizza remarks (Stacey 178 line 6) that Filippo Maria's sapientia was shown to "consist in the extraordinary virtus that had been evident 'even in the cradle.'" The original, in a longer sentence, adds that this was by "multis signis" - many signs - in the cradle.

Both are pointedly reminding him of the great destiny foretold for him.


(I am tempted to see an allegory here, the "twin serpents" expelled having been Estorre and Gian Carlo Visconti, the first Bernabò's bastard, the second his grandson, who had occupied Milan immediately after Gian Maria's death, and ruled there, even issuing coins, until Filippo Maria simply chased them away on 16 June 1412.)
...
First of all, I'm coming round to your early dating position in that Marziano's deck only refers to the Dido episode and no other love interest (and as mentioned somewhere above, the virgin Daphne signifies an impossible love anyway [leading to more identification with Petrarch], which may just mean any chaste love target that had never been married before is simply an impossibility at the moment, stuck as he was with Beatrice). Given Estorre as the last "internal" issue to securing the duchy early on, perhaps we can consider c.1413 as a more precise date (the date in which Beatrice's wealth and arms finally secure the immediate domains of the duchy) ?

And I've been thinking the exact same thing with Barzizza as a parallel, but a suggestive comment in the Marziano eulogy. But first your observation on infant Hercules and the snakes sent by Juno - absolutely (BTW: have you seen pix of Estorre's sword and mummy in the Monza cathedral? Bizarre). And a 15th century example of the Hercules episode (dated 1496-1500):
« Le Recueil des hystoires de Troyes, composé par venerable homme RAOUL LE FEVRE ». Source: gallica.bnf.fr
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des manuscrits, Français 252, fol. 73r: Conception d'Hercule / Hercule enfant étranglant les serpents
Image
Also found this on Warburg's image database (pre-Marziano): Codex: i tesori della Biblioteca Ambrosiana (Milan: Rizzoli, c2000), pp. 60-61, Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana → Cod. E 146 supra, fol. 2r, Matteo di Ser Cambio (active 1351-1424) attributed to. Seneca, Lucius Annaeus → Tragedies

Image
Hercules with snakes.JPG
(143.35 KiB) Not downloaded yet
As for Barzizza's eulogy for Marziano - similarly to the cradle reference above - I believe he's letting on that he's familiar with the DHS in this comment:
I truly tell you that when such things came under our leader’s judgement. He would whenever he was for a little while lifted from the cares of the realm, attentively hear this man’s most wise debates.(103)

Barzizza seems to be knowingly referencing the DHS, where Marziano notes that Filippo is engaged in “ virtuous toil” but then the game allows him “to find recreation"… "after giving your attention to serious and important things, if sometimes it happens you will it pleasant to be playfully diverted by it” (23). Both the “recreation” and “diversion” of the DHS, find an almost an exact sentiment echoed by Barzizza in “lifted,” particularly appropriate in terms of the subject: the deified.

Certainly Marziano's DHS would have been singled out among his projects as it resulted in such a prestigiously expensive commission for Besozzo. And if done early in Filippo's reign, perhaps Marziano even shared his idea with humanist intimates such as Barzizza. The 1413 date works perfectly in this regard as well, as Barzizza, although already teaching, only received his doctorate of arts in 1413 from the University of Padua (R. G. G. Mercer, The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza: With Special Reference to His Place in Paduan Humanism, 1979: 39). So perhaps at that time Marziano even bounced his concept off of Barzizza, the new dottore, for feedback or at least shared the idea with him for a sort of endorsement?

Phaeded

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#263
Phaeded wrote:
10 Apr 2020, 20:50
Given Estorre as the last "internal" issue to securing the duchy early on, perhaps we can consider c.1413 as a more precise date (the date in which Beatrice's wealth and arms finally secure the immediate domains of the duchy) ?
I don't know. Estorre died in January, in Monza. His sister Valentina kept the castle, under siege the whole time, until 1 May when she surrendered, with extensive stipulations. The whole town had already done so (number 65, one of Marziano's signed acts; the bibliography there gives the many sources for this important document).

Tredici's article in the Cengarle volume considers Monza's surrender to be the effective finale to the first act of Filippo Maria's reconstitution of the duchy. I cite it in the same place, number 65: Federico Del Tredici, “Il partito dello stato. Crisi e riconstruzione del ducato visconteo nelle vicende di Milano e del suo contado (1402-1417),” pp. 47-48 (of Cengarle/Covini).

But besides this last holdout, all of the rest of it had happened in 1412. I'll have to check to be sure.

Barzizza's dates seem to have him leave Milan at some point in late 1412, thus the date of the oration. My thinking at the moment is that Marziano has to be fairly late in the year, in the same celebratory spirit as Barzizza. He is a victorious prince, but this is no time to rest on your laurels. "Rouse yourself to virtue!" This is just the beginning.


And I've been thinking the exact same thing with Barzizza as a parallel, but a suggestive comment in the Marziano eulogy. But first your observation on infant Hercules and the snakes sent by Juno - absolutely (BTW: have you seen pix of Estorre's sword and mummy in the Monza cathedral? Bizarre).
I hadn't, actually. I know I should have, it is indeed a bizarre story, the one "true Visconti" of the time, to sort of show us what they looked like. Even his really broken-in-half left leg.
Image
And a 15th century example of the Hercules episode (dated 1496-1500):
« Le Recueil des hystoires de Troyes, composé par venerable homme RAOUL LE FEVRE ». Source: gallica.bnf.fr
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des manuscrits, Français 252, fol. 73r: Conception d'Hercule / Hercule enfant étranglant les serpents
Image
Thanks! I hadn't looked for one, but they are more appropriate and interesting.
As for Barzizza's eulogy for Marziano - similarly to the cradle reference above - I believe he's letting on that he's familiar with the DHS in this comment:



Barizza seems to be knowingly referencing the DHS, where Marziano notes that Filippo is engaged in “ virtuous toil” but then the game allows him “to find recreation"… "after giving your attention to serious and important things, if sometimes it happens you will it pleasant to be playfully diverted by it” (23). Both the “recreation” and “diversion” of the DHS, find an almost an exact sentiment echoed by Barizza in “lifted,” particularly appropriate in terms of the subject: the deified.

Certainly Marziano's DHS would have been singled out among his projects as it resulted in such a prestigiously expensive commission for Besozzo. And if done early in Filippo's reign, perhaps Marziano even shared his idea with humanist intimates such as Barizza. The 1413 date works perfectly in this regard as well, as Barzizza, although already teaching, only received his doctorate of arts in 1413 from the University of Padua (R. G. G. Mercer, The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza: With Special Reference to His Place in Paduan Humanism, 1979: 39). So perhaps at that time Marziano even bounced his concept off of Barizza, the new dottore, for feedback or at least shared the idea with him for a sort of endorsement?
Good close reading.

It took some time to compose, obviously, so there is no reason Barzizza could not have known of it. And he seems to have been Marziano's exact age, if my own guess is right about circa 1360. So he got that Paduan doctorate very late in his life. Barzizza additionally seems to have known him very well, enough to be the eulogist, and to know many intimate details.
Image

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#264
Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote:
10 Apr 2020, 22:05
Phaeded:
And a 15th century example of the Hercules episode (dated 1496-1500):
« Le Recueil des hystoires de Troyes, composé par venerable homme RAOUL LE FEVRE ». Source: gallica.bnf.fr
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des manuscrits, Français 252, fol. 73r: Conception d'Hercule / Hercule enfant étranglant les serpents
Thanks! I hadn't looked for one, but they are more appropriate and interesting.
Warburg has four Hercules not only with snakes but with Juno, in its own category; the first one is 1st half 15h c. and shows the snakes as dragons:.

https://iconographic.warburg.sas.ac.uk/ ... cat_7=2743

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#265
Phaeded wrote:
10 Apr 2020, 23:20
Warburg has four Hercules not only with snakes but with Juno, in its own category; the first one is 1st half 15h c. and shows the snakes as dragons:.

https://iconographic.warburg.sas.ac.uk/ ... cat_7=2743
Thanks.

Arsenal 3692 folio 72r
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b ... checontact


http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... 72rweb.jpg

BnF 22552 folio 91r
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b ... checontact


http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... 72rweb.jpg
Image

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#266
Acts of Filippo Maria Visconti from 16 June 1412 (in progress).

16 June Thursday
1. Appoints Antonio Miglio Vicar and counselor (Marziano 4)
17 June Friday
2. Letter summons Vicar, XII and General Council to swear fealty (Marziano 5)
18 June Saturday
3. Appoints Rizzarda de Burris and Vincenzo Marliano officers (Marziano 6)
19 June Sunday
4. Appoints Marco de Ferracavalis de Crerma as judge of ways (Marziano 7)
5. Appoints Bernardo Fossati over brick and tile ovens and quicklime (Marziano 8)
20 June Monday
6. Appoints Giacomino de Marliano abate of fustian makers (Marziano 9)
7. Vicar, XII swear fealty (Romano I)
8. Galeazzo Visconti swears fealty (Romano II)
21 June Tuesday
9. Appoints Bernardo Fossati controller of weights and measures (Marziano 10)
10. Appoints Lodovico de Capris sindaco (Marziano 11)
11. Appoints Andelmo de Branchasolis criminal judge (Marziano 12)
12. City of Melzo swears fealty (Romano III)
22 June Wednesday
13. Confirms Zanono de Seregnio notary of Provvisione (Marziano 13)
14. Appoints Gasparino de Crivellis official of grain prices (Marziano 14)
15. Appoints Petrolo de Bossis de Aziate notary public of Sindaci (Marziano 15)
16. Appoints Antonino de Ghiringhellis ufficiale delle bollette (Marziano 16)
23 June Thursday
17. Appoints Ambrogio de Coyris sindaco (Marziano 17)
18. Grants Antonio Lodrisio Visconti power of appointing two notaries (Marziano 18)
19. Names Bartolo de la Cruce razionatore of the city's parchment (Marziano 19)
20. Appoints Antonio de Tortis de Castronuovo Vicar General (Marziano 20)
21. City of Tortona swears fealty (Romano IV)
24 June Friday
22. Sperono di Pietrasanta feud of castle of Robecco and fortress of Mancatutto (Marziano 21)
23. Appoints Vincenzo de Gixulfis notary of Sindaci (Marziano 22)
24. Appoints Marzolo Vimercati razionatore of parchment (Marziano 23)
25. Cristoforo della Strada swears fealty (Romano V)
26. Antonio Bossi swears fealty on behalf of comune and corporation of Varese (Romano VI)
27. Battista Visconti swears fealty (Romano VII)
28. Lanzarotto Bianchi di Velate swears fealty (Romano VIII)
29. Procurators for Varese swear fealty (Romano IX)
25 June Saturday
30. Cities of Carnago, Rovate and Vico Seprio swear fealty (Marziano 24)
31. City of Lonate Ceppino swears fealty (Marziano 25)
32. City of Pozzolo swears fealty (Marziano 26)
33. City of Vimercato swears fealty (Marziano 27)
34. Appoints Marcolo de Aycardis Sindaco (Marziano 28)
35. Antonino de Becharia granted power of appointment (Marziano 29)
26 June Sunday
36. Ludovico Porro swears fealty (Romano XV)
37. Rubozio de Spadis swears fealty (Romano XVI)
38. Comune of Peceto swears fealty (Romano XVII)
27 June Monday
39. Appoints Prevedino de Marliano podestà of metalworks, even over Beatrice's properties (Marziano 30)
40. Incino swears fealty (Romano XVIII)
28 June Tuesday -
29 June Wednesday -
30 June Thursday
41. Families of Ripa, Galbiate, Perego, Garbagnate, Bosisio, Cernusco, Porchera, etc. fealty (Romano XIX)
42. Pietro Sardeno of Cassano d'Adda swears fealty (Romano XX)
1 July Friday
43. Appoints Antonino de Platis official of Victuals and white bread (Marziano 31)
2 July Saturday -
3 July Sunday -
4 July Monday
44. Nomination of Ottorino Demiano console di giustizia (Santoro p. 291 n. 217)
5 July Tuesday -
6 July Wednesday
45. Comune of Alessandria oath of fealty (Romano XXI)
46. Comune of Sale oath of fealty (Romano XXII)
47. Region of Bosco oath of fealty (Romano XXIII)
48. Galeazzo di Perego oath of fealty on part of Vitana (Como) and others (Romano XXIV)
7 July Thursday -
8 July Friday -
9 July Saturday -
10 July Sunday
49. Mozzanica region of Cremona oath of fealty (Romano XXV)
50. Comune of Binago oath of fealty (Romano XXVI)
80 comunes - omnia Communia Montisbriantie contrate Martexane - oath of fealty (Romano XXVII)
11 July Monday
51. Renewal of fief of Giacomo di Covo (Marziano 32)
12 July Tuesday
52. Enfeoffment of Vincenzo Marliano with land of Melzo and Rosate of Lodi (Romano XXVIII)
53. Names Beltramolo de Vicecomitibus sindaco (Santoro p. 291 n. 216)
54. Appointment of Guglielmo de Canturio doorkeeper of the Broletto (Santoro p. 291 n. 219)
13 July Wednesday
55. Renewal of fief of Brivio made by Facino Cane to Besozzi family (Romano XXIX)
14 July Thursday
15 July Friday
56. Three officers of Milan oath of fealty to Antonio Visconti (Romano XXX)
57. Antonio Miglio Vicar of Provvisione oath of fealty to Antonio Visconti (Romano XXXI)
58. Vincenzo Marliano oath of fealty to Antonio Visconti (Romano XXXII)
59. Comune of Melzo oath of fealty to Filippo Maria Visconti (Romano XXXIII)
16 July Saturday
17 July Sunday
60. Baker Guglielmo Borrono granted privilege (Marziano 33)
61. Region of Cassago oath of fealty (Romano XXXIV)
18 July Monday
62. Announcement of league with Marquis Teooro of Monferrato (Marziano 34/Romano XXXV)
19 July Tuesday
63. Enfeoffment and granting Visconti viper to Castellino Beccaria (Romano XXXVI)
64. Transaction with Luigi and Manfredo Cane (Romano XXXVII)
65. Transaction with Count of Savoy and Prince of Acaja (Romano XXXVIII)
20 July Wednesday
66. Il duca di Milano scrive allo spettabile milite il podestà e all'egregio signore dottore vicario di Provvisione di Milano di far proclamare l'acclusa grida, colla quale stablisice che tutte le città del ducato, tanto del Seprio e della Bulgaria, che della Martesana e della Bazana, ritornano sotto la giurisdizione del podestà e degli altri giudici della città di Milano, come al tempo del defunto suo genitore, eccettuate le terre di Melegnano, il cui capitano o vicario ha mero e misto imperio, di Abbiate, che ne era esente anche prima, la podesteria e capitanato di Varese, per i quali nulla ha ancora disposto, e il vicario di Siziano per quella parte di territorio ora sottomessagli. Segue nota d'ufficio che la grida fu fatta da Giacomino de Rollandis.
(Santoro p. 281 n. 218)
66. The Duke of Milan writes to the worthy knight the Podestà, and to the eminent Lord Doctor Vicar of Provvisione of Milan, to have the enclosed decree proclaimed, with which he states that all the cities of the duchy, both of Seprio and Bulgaria, and of Martesana and Bazana, are now returned under the jurisdiction of the Podestà and the other judges of the city of Milan, as at the time of his late father, except for the lands of Melegnano, whose captain or vicar had full mero et mixto (legal and criminal powers) imperio; of Abbiate, who was exempt even before; the podesteria and captaincy of Varese, for which nothing has yet been ordered; and the vicar of Siziano for that part of the territory now submitted to him. There follows an official note that the proclamation was made by Giacomino de Rollandis.
21 July Thursday
67. Appoints Luigi Mondella judge of Victuals (Marziano 35)
22 July Friday
68. Licurti (Ligurno or Aicurzio?) oath of fealty (Romano XXXIX)
23 July Saturday
24 July Sunday
25 July Monday
69. Lodrisio Crivelli to keep castle S. Giorgio and provide armed assistance at request (Romano XL)
26 July Tuesday
70. Antonio Marchesi della Rocchetta castelan of Tortona oath of fealty (Romano XLI)
71. Beltramoro Porro and family oath of fealty (Romano XLII)
72. Town of Mede oath of fealty (Romano XLIII)
27 July Wednesday
73. Decree for Certosa of Pavia (Marziano 36)
28 July Thursday
29 July Friday
74. Antonio Anfossi and Giovanni Ponsiglioni granted fief of Gazzo in Tortonese (Romano XLIV)
30 July Saturday
75. Sindaci of Bersago della Capitaneria of Lago Maggiore oath of fealty (Romano XLV)
76. Tronzano, Pino, and Bassano della Capitaneria of Lago Maggiore oath of fealty (Romano XLVI)
77. Jacopo di Lonate granted fief of Pagazzano (Romano XLVII)
31 July Sunday

40 acts in 12 days, 16 June to 27 June, non-stop. 27 acts of Marziano - a quarter of all his known acts - are in this 12-day stretch. First day with no record of anything is 28 June. The list is exhaustive from the 16th to the end of June, noting all the known letters, enfeoffments, and oaths of fealty in the published sources of Romano and Santoro. Marziano alone was responsible for the letters of this month. I can't guarantee that July and following are exhaustive for ducal letters, since I don't have Santoro complete. But it will be exhaustive for enfeoffments and oaths of fealty, drawn from the Registri ducali as listed by Romano, and Cengarle's more complete list. Filippo Maria's acts as Count of Pavia are not listed.

On 20 July (number 66), Filippo Maria proclaimed that he had restored the core of the duchy of Milan, that part subject to the Podestà of Milan, as it had been under his father. On 18 July, the treaty with Teodoro of Monferrato for 20 years, Romano notes that Giulini reports that Filippo Maria decreed public festivities to celebrate it. The announcement of 20 July must have come while the celebratory mood was high.
Image

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#267
Doing that list above, I learned something I didn't know - that Filippo Maria considered that he had restored the duchy proper - that part subject to the Podestà of Milan - by 20 July 1412, a mere 35 days after he had made his entrance to the city to reclaim his heritage.

See number 66 under 20 July above.

By Barzizza's tone, we know that the oration must have been after this occasion, perhaps even for this occasion.

This discovery was from reading everything strictly chronologically, instead of just looking for Marziano.
Image

Re: What are the documents for Marziano: 16 Regions in Capella

#268
I’m finally going to start posting about the “16 regions” format in Martianus Capella as an influence on Marziano, via Petrarch’s Africa….and for this first part focus on Barzizza’s reference to Laelius in the Eulogy as pointing to Petrarch as the inspiration for Marziano.

But first to rehearse how the idea first came up - in the discussion of Vesta:
Phaeded wrote
What is especially interesting here is what personal appeal Martianus Capella may have had for Marziano in that the Italian version of Martianus is Marziano (a sort of humanist pagan "patron saint" namesake). I've not mined Martianus's De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii for all of the Vesta references yet, but I did note that he divides "the whole sky into sixteen regions" - the same number of Marziano's deified heroes.
[Ross replied:]
I wish I had known of this sixteen regions of the heavens before writing the divination section! The literature on it is small…
Marziano would absolutely have known Martianus Capella. The De Nuptiis also mentions the Dii Consentes, equivalent to the Twelve Olympians, at the beginning of the section on the sixteen divisions with their very unusual selection of gods. See Shanzer's translation, linked below, and Weinstock's study ….
viewtopic.php?f=9&t=1426&start=50

Ross’s initial enthusiasm for the 16 connection to Capella has since waned, per the earlier reply in this thread: “The sixteen divisions, on the other hand, I'm not convinced by yet. There is just no comparison with the choices, so the number is a mere coincidence.”

A prefatory caveat for what follows, related to Ross’s complaint: Marziano’s exact list of 16 gods only approximates Petrarch’s list, who in turn does not follow Capella; all seem to have adapted the idea of 16 gods for their individual tasks at hand. In fact the ultimate Etruscan list of gods would have been lost to all involved, as the only two classical sources merely state how the heavens were divided into 16 regions – Cicero (Div. 1.47), and Pliny (NH 2.55.143), so no “ur-list” – like the Dii Consentes - against which anyone could be checked against.


Capella lists several gods for each of his 16 regions of heavens, some bordering on obscure allegorical nonsense; e.g. from the ninth region of the sky comes “the genius of Juno of Hospitality” (1.53). Surely Shanzer is right in noting that Capella “is full of parody and allusions that are meant to be amusing and not to be taken too literally. I have my doubts about the famous “sixteen regions” passage so learnedly analysed by Weinstock; various details of this passage suggest that it is a parody of the traditional catalogue of deities” (Ross found this spot on quote in Danuta Shanzer, A Philosophical and Literary Commentary on Martianus Capella’s De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, Book I, 1986: 11).

Before breaking down Petrarch’s text in a subsequent post, the Barzizza signpost indirectly linking Marziano to Petrarch....
The senators admired [Marziano], some called him another Cato, others a Gaius Laelius. I truly tell you that when such things came under our leader’s judgement. He would whenever he was for a little while lifted from the cares of the realm, attentively hear this man’s most wise debates (Barizza eulogy, Ross tr.. 102-103).


As to the identification of these two Romans, Ross offered:

And this latter was Gaius Laelius the Younger, whom Cicero used as a character in several dialogues, the most important being De Amicitia, where Gaius Laelius is the main interlocutor. Gaius Laelius' father, Gaius Laelius the Elder, has no "speaking parts" in literature. The deep friendship between Cato and Gaius Laelius is a deliberate allusion on Barzizza's part, I am sure, poignantly emphasizing the friendship between Filippo Maria and Marziano.

Actually, Laelius the father does have a featured “speaking part” but its not in Cicero or any other classical source, but rather in Petrarch’s Africa; most relevant for the point at hand, is that it is Laelius the father, in Book 3 of the Africa, whose description of the Palace of Syphax - an adaptation of Martianus Cappell’s gods of the 16 deity regions of the skies. I’ve already pointed out that there seems to be a clue that Barzizza was referencing Marziano’s DHS in the eulogy and no reason he wouldn’t have thrown this learned tidbit in as well, referencing not just Marziano’s inspirational source but comparing him as well to the trusted second in command of Scipio Africanus.

And with the mentioning of Scipio, therein lies some of the confusion. For in Cicero’s De Amicitia, although the deceased Cato the Elder is mentioned frequently, the dialogue is actually celebrating Laelius the son’s friendship with the deceased Scipio Aemilianus, aka Scipio Africanus Minor, or Scipio the Younger. The dialogue has nothing to do with the friendship of Cato and Gaius Laelius, but rather the latter's close friendship with the deceased Scipio Minor, as told to Laelius's two sons-in-law, Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola (Cicero knew this last). At all events, the context is Marziano’s abilities as an adviser, not friendship with Filippo (they are not peers, as say a Leonello d’Este would have been). Looking again at Barizza’s references to Cato and Gaius Laelius, we see that they are not referenced in terms of a dialogue, but individually by separate people, some thinking of Marziano as a Cato, others thinking of him as a Laelius. There is no suggestion of Cato’s relationship to Laelius.

Part of the problem with disentangling which Cato and Laelius is that those names are plagued with “parallel lives" who are relations. As will be argued, Barzzizza definitely has Cato the Younger and Gaius Laelius the Elder in mind, but first these historical Roman pairs, including the Scipio:

Cato the Elder – a curmudgeon paragon of parsimonious Roman virtue who was at odds with Scipio Africanus Major during the Second Punic War, although he served with him (and accordingly barely mentioned in Petrarch’s epic)

Cato the Younger – chip off the old block of his great-grandfather as curmudgeonly paragon of virtue, hero of Lucan’s De Bello Civili/Pharsalia, and thus became the much bigger culture hero in the Middle Ages and Renaissance due to the enthusiastic reception of that work. Dante places this Cato, even though he committed suicide at Utica outside Carthage during Rome’s Civil Wars (hence his nickname Uticensis) , as saved and as the guardian of mount Purgatory.

Scipio Africanus (Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, hereafter Africanus), the great victor at Zama over the Carthaginians during the Second Punic War, whose two main lieutenants were Gaius Laelius the father, and the local Numdiain ally, Masinissa, who both form the focus of the middle books of Petrarch’s Africa (Syphax, allied with the Carthaginians, is Masinissa’s fellow Numdiian and ruler, but after the defeats in Spain, Masinissa defects to Scipio and ultimately made king of Numidia, living a long life all the way until Scipio Minor arrives for the Third Punic War).

Scipio Aemilianus, “Africa Minor,” is the one who defeated Carthage for good and famously sows its soil with salt. He was adopted by a son of Scipio Africanus, hence his adopted grandson who takes his cognomen of “Africanus” after he repeats his famous forebear’s feat of defeating Carthage (for the last time). This Africanus Minor and Gaius Laelius the son are in Cicero’s Cato Maior de Senectute (Cato the Elder on Old Age) dialogue, where they are discussing old age at the end of Cato the Elder’s life (interestingly enough, not only are both the elder Africanus and Laelius mentioned, but as is Masinissa, who again, was still alive to host the younger Scipio and give battle again as an ally in the Third Punic War). Barzizza does not have that theme in mind in the Eulogy. More famously it this young Scipio who is featured in Cicero’s last book of his lost Republic, saved via Macrobius’s commentary on the Dream of Scipio, inspiring Dante and a host of other literary works. It is the younger Scipio and younger Laelius, being hosted by Masinissa on the eve of the campaign against Carthage, that the dream occurs in which Africanus Major shows the grandson Carthage from the sky and then the entire cosmos. So perhaps the most confusing point is that both Scipio Major and Minor have lieutenants named Gaius Laelius (father and son) when fighting Carthage, in different time periods/wars.

Gaius Laelius the father, as noted, is featured in Petrarch’s Africa as Africanus Major’s right hand man. Besides his participation in battles, his most noteworthy deeds are first to align the Numidian King Syphax with Scipio, away from Carthage – it is during that diplomatic mission that Laelius describes Syphax’s palace’s hall via a long ekphrasis. Syphax reneges, but Laelius and Scipio still manage to turn Syphax’s number two in command (and cavalry leader), Masinissa to the Romans. Oddly the narrative focal point here is Syphax’s wife, Sophonisba, a Carthaginian noble woman, who turns Syphax away from Scipio, then leaves him and marries Masinissa, much to the concern of Scipio….who talks Masinissa into giving her up (and he sends her a cup of poison which she drinks). Despite the obvious echo, Petrarch explicitly links Sophonisba to Dido. The Palace of Syphax in which we encounter the 16 regions of the heavens, Sophonisba's first husband and turncoat for the Carthaginians, then has heightened symbolism for an enemy of Rome (and why Marziano would have made serious changes to Petrarch’s list; more on that in a follow up reply). Masinissa and Sophonisba go on to be featured in the second capitolo of Petrarch’s Triumph of Love (Scipio was equal to Laura as a lifelong obsession for Petrarch).

Gaius Laelius, the son (aka Sapiens), is with Scipio Minor right before the famous dream and aids him in all of his campaigns. While worthy of being a virtuous model in his own right, he obviously plays no role in Petrarch’s Africa.

After sifting through all of the above, how can we be sure we have the right Cato and Laelius? The fundamental assumption driving my understanding of all things in Marziano, inclusive of the biographical words of a fellow humanist who apparently knew him well, is Marziano and Filippo’s literary relationship, per Decembrio’s vita: Filippo preferred Petrarch above all else, and Marziano especially interpreted Dante for Filippo. In that light, Cato would be Cato the younger, one of the two pagans saved for salvation in the Comedia (the other being Statius, not Virgil), playing the pivotal gate keeper from the inferno to Purgatory. Laelius in turn would be the opne associated with Scipio’s Africanus, the Elder, as his trusted lieutenant who plays the pivotal role in Books three and four revolving around Massassina and Sosophiba, the paralell to Dido, which we have uncovered as central to some of the heroum in the DHS.

Oddly enough, Petrarch himself goes to some pains to distinguish between these “parallel lives”, in the Africa itself (someone has translated the first four books, but without line references):

Eagerly embrace those friendships that Virtue brings about and nurture those that have just begun. Give friendship to those who ask. You will experience nothing greater in human dealings than the mutual intimacy and faithful heart of a friend. Indeed, a certain Laelius, truest of all, is with you now. May he know your secrets and be your aide. Let him earn your affection and peer into those depths of your heart that are concealed from the rest. After much time, your house will have a second Laelius. He will be dear to our famous descendent and will be likewise joined to him by a singular bond.”

In the future many will err concerning this. Laelius and Scipio alike will be celebrated as unique among all those friends whom the earth has produced since its very beginning, although they are two pairs, separated by a long period of time. (Petarch, Africa, Book II. p. 40: https://baylor-ir.tdl.org/bitstream/han ... sAllowed=y )


Barizza’s was himself largely indebted to Seneca’s letters to Lucullus, which features Cato the younger as the exemplary role model, making that Cato all the more likely. Barzizza’s lectures on the Epistolae Morales of Seneca (aka “letters to Lucullus”) - his voluntary lectures - were based on his feelings that “the Epistolae Morales ad Lucilium were the product of the greatest moral philosopher in antiquity” (R. G. G. Mercer, The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza: With Special Reference to His Place in Paduan Humanism, 1979: 43). Barizza was certainly one of the foremost Ciceronians of his day as well, and Laelius the son also exemplary for him, but there is only so much we can derive from Barzizza’s personal preferences – he was talking about the regard that Marziano was held in Milan. Given the special connection of Dante between Marziano and Filippo, Cato must be the Elder. Certainly Marziano’s DHS, which resulted in such a prestigiously expensive commission for Besozzo, made the work known to Barzizza and hence his selection of noting Laelius, which must be the one featured in Petrarch, who in turn has that Laeloius describe the 16 regions of the sky in Syphax’s palace.

It bears to mention Petrarch was not a passing fancy of Filippo but a central feather in the cap of the Visconti court, living in Milan for 8 years from 1353 until 1361, and linked, however vaguely, to the dynasty’s motto of a bon droyt. Moreover, Petrarch in effect made himself a sponsor of the ethnogenic project right after he moved there when he agreed to be Bernabo Visconti’s first male born’s godfather in late November 1353, even writing a poem of the occasion (Ernest Hatch Wilkins, Petrarch's Eight Years in Milan, 1958: 45). Petrarch also expanded his De Viris Illustribus while in Milan for an expanded life of Scipio (naturally related to his on-going Africa), and after his death unknowingly continued to play a role in Milan when Visconti conquered Padua and took Petrarch’s library to Pavia to form the nucleus of the ducal library there, undoubtedly the most renown one outside of France (particularly worthy was the Virgilio Ambrosiano Petrarca, , duly copied 1393/94 apparently for distribution and circulation; ibid, 33). Again, this is just not a personal obsession of Filippo’s, but a dynastic one.
For the Virgilio Ambrosiano Petrarca:
https://www.ambrosiana.it/en/opere/the- ... petrarca/

So through the lens of the Marziano-Fillipo relationship, humanist adviser to Anglus-derived prince, naturally Petrarch’s prominent use of a Laelius in Africa would suggest that Laeiulis. Laelius in turn describes the 16 heavenly regions employed by Petrarch. What Marziano would have done is resurrect that idea in terms of the Visconti ethnogenic project – how do the Visconti fit within a genealogical scheme of heroum? How does Filippo specifically participate in that scheme? If c. 1412, not with a whole lot of gusto, ergo the Aeneid-Dido myth into the game, strongly echoed in Petrarch's Africa in the figure of Sophonisba, first married to Syphax.

Finally, the publication date of Petrarch’s jealously guarded Africa – its “fortune” - not released in his lifetime, also supports the hypothesis of it being the idea for Marziano’s 16 gods. The text was finally made public by Pier Paolo Vergerio in 1396-1397, “published” in the latter year, so only 15 years prior to Marzian’s hypothetical date of c. 1412, thus still relatively “fresh” as a literary sensation. Scholars like to point out how little influence the Africa had but that is only in the context of the rediscovery of Silius Italicus's epic poem Punica, also about the Second Punic War, found in either 1416 or 1417 by Poggio Bracciolini, effectively superseding Petrarch as a “source” for that Roman period (nevertheless, even a date of c.1418 works for my theory as the Punica would still have needed to have been copied and circulated, and initially it might have only sparked renewed interest in Petrarch’s work for the reasons already noted, but again, I am now leaning towards c. 1412).

My next reply will deal in detail with Petrarch’s Palace of Syphax episode in Book III, but first want to see if there will be any discussion of what has been presented so far.

Phaeded

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

#269
I don't want to derail your wonderful exposition with dispute, so please continue.

Just a sidenote on Marziano and Filippo Maria: of course, they could not have been friends, in the sense of fellow companions in life. You are right to point out that I have used a misleading term. What I wanted to convey was the special depth of their relationship, which was greater than a normal counselor or teacher.

One thing that struck me on this point was number 96 in the list -
1420 5 December Milan:

Duke Filippo Maria exempts Antonio Tommaso, and Andrea Gentile from certain payments in Tortona, “out of regard for the Venerable and Distinguished, our beloved Secretary lord Marziano da Sant'Alosio.”

Johannes Augustinus Ribrochus, Statuta Civitatis Derthonae, Milan, 1573, f. 294r: Antonio Thomae, & Andreae de Gentilibus exemptis intuitu Venerabilis et Egregii Secretarii nostri dilecti domini Martiani de Sancto Aloisio.
The word intuitu here - giving an intimate personal reason for his decision - is unique in such otherwise dry decrees, as far as I know (which is not saying much). Filippo Maria says that, out of personal affection, he will do a favor for these friends of Marziano.

But I am nodding in agreement with most of what you say, so yes, please go on. Especially with the 16 gods in Africa.

Here is Ellis' translation of the relevant section, pages 46-49
https://baylor-ir.tdl.org/bitstream/han ... sAllowed=y
or main page - https://baylor-ir.tdl.org/handle/2104/5144
Latin text, with lexical aids and French translation; description of gods and heroes begins Book III, line 136.
http://agoraclass.fltr.ucl.ac.be/concor ... #petrarque
Image

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 33 guests

cron