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I'm also still interested in what you mean by statements like this:
Agnese del Maino was certainly no literal virgin as a married woman
You made the same assertion in this post 26 March - viewtopic.php?f=11&t=1422&start=150#p21809
This material ties into my premise that Marziano specifically had Filippo’s marriage prospects in mind, preferably of a woman he could marry and bear successors from (alas, after executing his wife in 1418, Filippo pursued a woman married to one of his courtiers, Agnese del Maino, hence that issue being a bastard, Bianca)
I have never come across this - is it in Covini somewhere?
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I don't think it's right to use terms like "pedophile" when referring to Filippo Maria's sexuality. This term in the strict sense means sexual attraction to pre-pubescent children, and is really a psychological and medical term. I know that people use it casually and loosely for any man (occasionally women) who is attracted to girls or boys not of legal age of consent, by some current legal standards, but it is misleading and harmful to so use it.

There is no evidence that Filippo Maria was a pedophile, and no reason to think he was (Decembrio only uses the word "adolescentes"). What we are talking about is young men on the verge of full manhood, "giovani," "youths." In Filippo Maria's case, one of his detractors, the Florentine Giovanni Cavalcanti, accused him of wanting to be surrounded by "giovinetti" - young boys (which should not be confused with what they would have called children) - of fifteen years. But you have to be the judge, for which there is no other evidence than an extremely hostile witness.

Giovanni Cavalcanti (Florence, 1381- c.1451), Istorie fiorentine, Seconda Storia (1440-1447), p. 222:
E con queste amare dolcezze di lusinghe, la nostra Lega ricevè a compagnía lo scellerato Duca. Il quale era immondo d'ogni cattivo vizio, e si dava a' diletti lascivi e disonesti: sempre voleva a lato a sè più giovinetti da quindici anni. Costui era bugiardo, e d'ogni peccato dottissimo: ingrato e crudele: e fece tagliare il capo a quella donna, che co' suoi tesori acquistò la signoria, la quale per le crudeli bestialità del fratello aveva perduta.
“And with this bitter sweetness of flattery, our League received the wicked Duke as a companion. He was filthy with every nasty vice, and gave himself to lewd and dishonest pleasures: he always wanted more fifteen-year old boys at his side. He was a liar, and learned in every sin: ungrateful and cruel: and he cut off the head of that lady by whose treasure he had acquired the signoria, which had been lost by his brother's bestial cruelty.”
(page 222 -
https://books.google.fr/books?id=YIxMAA ... 22&f=false )

Besides this, the only contemporary evidence similar is this letter, from the Archivio Scotti in Piacenza, an exerpt published in 1804 -
Il 7 aprile 1434 Filippo Maria raccomandava al conte (Alberto) Scotti di trovargli “degli uomini giovani, grandi, animosi e belli, per tenerli presso la sua Persona,” qui non par desiderio di giovinetti quindicenni.
"On April 7, 1434 Filippo Maria urged Count Alberto Scotti di Parma to find him "some young men, tall, spirited and beautiful (or "handsome"), in order to keep near his person," (Boselli) which does not seem to be a desire for fifteen year old boys (Fossati's comment)."

(Fossati 276 lines 107-112. (Giovanni Vincenzo Boselli (Vigolo Marchese-Piacenza, 1760-1844), Delle storie piacentine. Libri VI. Volume II. (Piacenza 1804) p. 191, no. 63, from a letter in the Archivio Scotti). One would think the original to be in Latin, but Boselli quotes it in Italian as such.
https://books.google.fr/books?id=QaYetY ... 22&f=false )

Note how the Scotti letter uses “giovani,” which really means older youths or even just young men, while Cavalcanti uses “giovinetti,” implying younger ones, like 15 year olds (but still not little children).

In Decembrio's chapter 46, which Leonello d'Este made him alter to suppress the unmentionable vice, I would suspect that the word "thoro," - bed - that Ianziti/Zaggia replace for the long-standard (from Muratori and mss. A and P) "cubiculo," - bedchamber - from the evidence of Decembrio's own hand in manuscript H, alludes to what was suppressed - that he took these young men - giovani not giovinetti - to bed.

The "vice" was sodomy, which was bad enough for them. But it was not pedophilia, which for us is a calumny, and has no basis in the evidence. It is slanderous, I think, and Filippo Maria's reputation in the popular mind, coming from people like Cavalcanti, is bad enough, without throwing in small children as well.

And THIS, then, gets me to your speculation about Angese being as young as 8 in 1418, and Filippo Maria being such a pedophilic predator that he couldn't keep his mind off of her. First, there is no evidence for her date of birth, that I am aware of. Secondly, you can see where imagining things that aren't there, like pedophilia - pre-pubescent children - can lead you astray.
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Loose comments -

I appreciate what you mean by the gesture of the King of Denari in CY. It is certainly a virtuous repudiation of (obvious concern for) wealth.

I also like your quotes from Jane Black, who I think has presented the most interesting new angle on Visconti studies in English ever. Even in Italian nobody gives the overall picture of the Visconti situation relative to what "power" meant, and how they took it and tried to establish their claim to it. This question always lurks in the background when you study them - on what basis did they claim "a bon droit"?

And she seems to anticipate questions, which she answers succinctly, like in the section "The Fragility of the Ducal Diplomas" (pp. 75-78), p. 76 note 32, where she briefly the official title "duke," noting that only Giangaleazzo and Ludovico Sforza ever got "official" recognition (even Filippo Maria's was implied rather than stated explicitly, and the emperor so feared the repercussions that FMV had to wait until Sigismondo's death to reveal it).

It is just shame that her books are published by such expensive publishers. I have only managed to cobble together excerpts that I need.
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Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

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Ross,
I'll try to touch on all of your points in this one reply.

* Filippo's youth
Strictly sticking to Marzianos' text (your p. 21), he opens his remarks on whether the game is "fit for a man" (Filippo, to whom the work is dedicated) ) and then caroms off into the aside that playing the game "seems to many to be childish" - he is simply pre-empting any critics here, no longer addressing Filippo directly.

* Filippo's sexual proclivities
I was trying to be factual in terms of what Ianziti unambiguously says in his introduction regarding Leonello d'Este's solicited review of Decembrio's vita: "The marquis responded with warm praise for the work yet also confided that he had serious misgivings about the contents of chapter 46, the one detailing Filippo Maria's indulgence in his taste for young boys (xiii)." Not young men. Considering Leonello is never explicit about that which can "never be mentioned twice" and neither is Decembrio - and his original version is long gone - we have no way of knowing if the charge was simply of homosexuality or something more. But even Decembrio's revised version reads like - forgive the anachronism - a description of Neverland: "During the trial period [living in isolation away from home] the boy was not allowed to speak with his parents or siblings.....But once in service the boy would still be carefully watched, lest he dare meet or speak with anyone on the sly" (Ch. 46, Ianziti p. 83).

* Agnese Del Maino
I've been compiling notes on her and her family at a furious pace and I'm afraid I've made a confused mess of that here (I'll chalk the "married" error as confusion with Beatreice di Tenda; I'll dig some more through my notes after this post and will duly add anything that clarifies). Obviously if she was as young as 8 she wouldn't be married (perhaps betrothed - I believe Bianca was in fact promised to Sforza at an even younger age, but of course not married that early). But was Agnese really that young? Wiki and all the other on-line sources state 1411 (hence she'd be 7 or 8 by 1418), and I'm not finding her birth anywhere else (curious in itself). All we have for sure is the year of her death in 1465, and if we accept 1411, would have made her 54 - not out of line for a "natural" death for the time period, but we can't base anything off of that. I just came across a solid Italian work on Filippo (please see that posted in the Exhibition room) and one of the editors (the other is Covini) did Agnese's bio for the DBI; she opens with:
Di nobile famiglia lombarda, bella di aspetto, e di qualche cultura, la M. divenne, secondo Biglia con la violenza, amante del duca di Milano Filippo Maria Visconti. (Federica di Cengarle - Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 67, 2006)
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/agn ... ografico)/
I'd really appreciate your help in getting at the most accurate translation here, as that appears to bear indirectly on the question at hand. My tweaked machine translation of the bold has this: "then, according to Biglia with violence, a lover of the Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti." Why violence? To my mind, there are two options here: 1) she was taken from her family, perhaps at too young an age; or 2), Cengarle has somehow botched an Italian idiom for "violent love", or "passionate love" (which in English, has strong sexual overtones at all events). A comma separates violenza from amante which would seem to negate option 2, and it seems one would render "violent love" as amore violento, but perhaps I'm simply missing something obvious here. Maybe I'll just ping Cengarle via Academia.edu.

I did find a scenario in which the Del Maino might have offered up a young daughter - assuming that was in the realm of the duke's taste: the Del Maino were established mercantile elites in Milan (with offices as far away as Bruges and London), but one of their members was in on the assassination of Giovanni Maria. Its unclear to me if just one member of the Del Maino (a Francesco) was banished as a result. That 1417 notarial act Marziano witnessed in Abbiategrasso, from the sources you compiled, in which the Del Maino have to turn over a possession to Sperone Pietrasanta, does seem to have been part of their punishment. On the assassination and that transaction, from an essay in that same work I noted in the Exhibition room (machine translations):

A similar work of distinction is necessary for the Guelphs: cited abundantly - together with [Ghibellines] a Visconti, a da Baggio, a Del Maino and the other assassins of the Duke [Giovanni Maria] - in the list of rebels banished by Filippo Maria, just come to power (Il ducato di Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412-1447. Economia, politica, cultura, edited by Cengarle, Federica, Covini, Maria Nadia, 2015: 53)
+
Having said the above, the reason for the fiefdoms assigned to Vincenzo Marliani in Milan is now clear; the confirmation of the fief of Robecco received by Sperone Pietrasanta, who in addition obtained the faithful investiture of assets already of the rebels Aliprandi and Del Maino; and above all of the sensational decision with which Filippo Maria returned to the Castiglioni, to the detriment of the Pusterla....(ibid, 58)

To be clear, Agnese's father, Ambrogio, was not the assassin, and I'm unsure of his relationship to Francesco, the assassin. As we know, not all extended family members are always exiled and in this case, who knows if Filippo was in on the assassination and just going through fake motions of "punishing" assassins he was in cahoots with (or perhaps drunkenly suggested it and then bitterly regretted it), but the economic reprisals tell a different story (some form of punishment seems to have fallen on all Del Maino family members). So obviously some Del Maino members are still in Milan as of 1417 - and still paying the price economically for what happened in 1412...and then suddenly the next year, 1418, Filippo is with a Del Maino daughter, with "violence." You can do the math on that one, but it seems one of the Del Maino families sacrificed a daughter in order to turn their fortunes with Filippo (certainly by the time of Sforza in 1447 they are in positions of power again). We haven't resolved Agnese's age, but I don't think Filippo's presumed young age plays a factor in dating Marziano.

Phaeded

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A similar work of distinction is necessary for the Guelphs: cited abundantly - together with [Ghibellines] a Visconti, a da Baggio, a Del Maino and the other assassins of the Duke [Giovanni Maria] - in the list of rebels banished by Filippo Maria, just come to power (Il ducato di Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412-1447. Economia, politica, cultura, edited by Cengarle, Federica, Covini, Maria Nadia, 2015: 53)
...
Franz del Maino und der Propst von Carsengo, welche angehalten und vor den Herzog Philipp Maria geführt wurden, wurden auf dessen Befehl enthauptet.
https://books.google.de/books?id=Ca-tGV ... 12&f=false
Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste in alphabetischer Folge, Band 23,Teil 3
J. F. Gieditsch, 1847
... with more names, which were involved in the duke murder of 1412. Franz (probably Francesco) del Maino lost his head at that opportunity.

Other report: https://books.google.de/books?id=74FAAQ ... o"&f=false
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Il ducato di Filippo Maria Visconti, 1412-1447 (2015)
at books.google.com:
https://books.google.de/books?id=e649Cw ... navlinks_s
as pdf-file (better for research of details):
https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/141655968.pdf
Huck
http://trionfi.com

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This decree was 19 August 1412. It was one of the documents drawn up and signed by Marziano. There were actually five of the Del Maino family, which seems to be a different branch than that of Agnese, as you can see from the genealogical chart below (Motta would have included them if he had found a link).

Click link below for larger -

http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... ealogy.jpg
(this is from the DjVu document at Emeroteca Digitale Braidense; the one at Archive is equally unreadable in the margin - Emilio Motta, "Una barzelletta di Ercole del Mayno contro i veneziani ed i Bagni di Bormio," Archivio Storico Lombardo XXI (1894), pp. 166-183 - https://archive.org/details/archiviosto ... 2/mode/2up )

None of these names figures in the 1412 ban, below.

1412 Document summary and bibliography -

1412 19 August Milan:

The Duke of Milan writes to the distinguished knight and Lord Podestà of Milan, Corrado Del Carretto, to have the persons listed in the attached list proclaimed as rebels, and to confiscate their property and similarly to do so for the others listed therein, having been found guilty of the killing of his illustrious lord brother. He also wants it to be proclaimed that all the inhabitants of the city and Duchy of Milan banned for other reasons, even if for murder, can freely repatriate, with the exception of Marco and Pierino the Puteobonello (Pozzobonelli) brothers, signature Martianus.- The ban was publically proclaimed by the crier Giacomino de Rolandis on 22 August 1412.

Carlo Morbio, Codice visconteo-sforzesco, pp. 142-145;
“Decreto di bando di Filippo Maria Visconti dopo la uccisione del fratello,” Archivio Storico Lombardo V (1878), p. 695 (Santoro attributes this unsigned publication to Isaia Ghiron (1837-1889));
Caterina Santoro, I registri dell'ufficio di Provvisione e dell'ufficio dei Sindaci sotto la dominazione viscontea, p. 296-297 no. 248: Il duca di Milano scrive allo spettabile milite signore podestà di Milano di far proclamare come ribelli le persone di cui all'accluso elenco e di confiscarne i beni e similmente fare per gli altri ivi pure elencati, essendogli risutati colpevoli dell'uccisione dell'illustrissimo suo signore fratello. Vuole in oltre che sia proclamato che tutti gli abitanti della città e ducato di Milano banditi per altre ragioni, anche se per omicidio, possono liberamente rimpatriare, ad eccezione di Marco e Pierino fratelli de Puteobonello. - Segue nota d'ufficio che la grida fu fatta il 22 agosto da Giacomino de Rolandis. (Litterarum ducalium, Registro n. 7, c. 157-158);
Caterina Santoro, Gli Offici del comune di Milano e del dominio visconteo-sforzesco: 1216-1515, p. 115.

Isaia Ghiron version -

http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... ft-726.jpg

http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... ft-727.jpg

http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... ft-728.jpg

http://www.rosscaldwell.com/marzianotex ... ft-729.jpg

Containing these names, Italianized in Santoro -

Luchino de Mayno
Antonio “Farina” de Mayno
Prevosto de Mayno
Francesco “Agagnio” de Mayno
Taddeo “Squileta” de Mayno

Here is another note for Agnese's family, Felice Calvi, Il Castello visconteo-sforzesco nella storia di Milano... (1894), page 21 note 2.
https://archive.org/details/ilcastellov ... 7/mode/2up
Calvi says Leonardo is a brother, while Motta has a Leonardo as uncle; he was abbot of San Simpliciano.

The name of Agnese's grandfather in Motta's genealogy above must be Andreotto, since he is named among the Consiglio Generale or Consiglio dei Novecento in 1388, the full list of which is given in Felice Calvi, Il patriziato milanese (1875), p. 380, as one of those from the Porta Vercellina, Parrochia Monasterii Novi, as Andriotus de Mayno. https://books.google.fr/books?id=d1fkGQ ... &q&f=false
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This looks very fine, thank you.

https://books.google.de/books?id=j7pJAQ ... on&f=false

This text of 1831 contains a picture description painted by a Napoleon Mellini, in which the elder brother of Filippo Maria enters a prison, in which a Luchino del Maino stands together with a Violante Pusterla in a love scene, and the elder brother Giovanni demands some erotical service from Violante.

Between the foes of the Visconti brothers (your lists) I find the name Luchino del Maino and a male name of the Pusterla family. It seems to have been a popular story at the begin of 19th century ... I remember also an opera about the unlucky pair of Filippo Maria Visconti and the widow of Ficino Cane.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AjvIEeUjp8g
... with an old Filippo Visconti.

I couldn't find the picture.
Huck
http://trionfi.com

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

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Ross and Huck,
Thank you both for fleshing out more details about Agnese.

Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote: 31 Mar 2020, 15:11 The name of Agnese's grandfather in Motta's genealogy above must be Andreotto, since he is named among the Consiglio Generale or Consiglio dei Novecento in 1388, the full list of which is given in Felice Calvi, Il patriziato milanese (1875), p. 380, as one of those from the Porta Vercellina, Parrochia Monasterii Novi, as Andriotus de Mayno. https://books.google.fr/books?id=d1fkGQ ... &q&f=false
That was a family name, so makes sense: Agnese's brothers were a Andreotto and Lancillotto, the former playing a formative roll in Galeazzo Maria's upbringing (e.g., he accompanied the young prince to Ferrara in 1457 where we encounter the water-borne trionfi and the 70 card deck).

We even find this uncle of Bianca in a sot of exchequer role for her (machine translations follow):
When it came to honoring the commitments made by Bianca Maria, Andreotto Del Maino had a list made based on the testimonies of his collaborators ...Among the most consistent items were the promises made to individual people of his entourage and to some Milanese and Cremonese monasteries particularly dear to the Sforza: the friars of the Incoronata [the double church built in 1451 near the gate to Como], the female Augustinian monastery of Sant'Agnese and the nuns of San Benedetto di Cremona. Other promises were claimed by his doctors, in particular by Christopher da Soncino and Benedetto Reguardati, whose son had married a Del Maino. Maria Nadia Covini, Donne, Emozioni E Potere Alla Corte Degli Sforza 2012: 35).
Naturally you'll be interested by Bianca's interest in a church of her mother's namesake (interesting, again, in the light of the Vesta-Agnese connection going back to Saint Ambrose and noted here as a female monastery in keeping with Marziano's description of Vesta). But moving on with Andreotto....

Eventually, apparently Galeazzo Maria tired of his uncle chaperone, after Francesco's death due to squabbling over various fiefs, etc.:
One of the points of friction with the Sforza was the marriage of Count Pietro. Since the 1950s the countess had engaged in a marriage to the lord of
Faenza, his relative, but had been opposed by Francesco Sforza29. Yes, I speak then of the marriage between Pietro and a daughter of Roberto Sanseverino and then the long story of the marriage with Cecilia by Andreotto del Maino began, complicated by dowry and property matters, an inextricable tangle that complicated further when Galeazzo Maria Sforza became duke and took attitudes hostile towards the Del Maino and towards the whole entourage of the mother.(ibid, 98)
And yet I wonder how the father, Francesco Sforza, viewed the Del Maino? As a faction that was key to his gaining Pavia in 1447 they were pivotal to his rise in Milan, where presumably they used all of their connections to get the other elites, especially the "Ghibellines", to his side (certainly this is what Covini lays out for Agnese for her son-in-law). The Pisanello medal of 1441 makes clear he was granted and readily adopted the Visconti name....but did he do something in recognition of his mother's family as well, restored to positions of relative power by the 1440s at least?

Consider Sforza's obscure greyhound beneath the pine tree impresa in this context, sometimes with a divine hand reaching out of a nimbus cloud above it. Although a lead goes from the tree to a collar, the greyhound is always shown without the collar, it laying on the ground. The literature pretty much all relies on Bernardino Corio's Storia di Milano, as does Carlo Maspoli in his explication of this impresa in his Stemmario Trivulziano:
The impresa of the dog sitting under the pine with his celestial hand, dates back to the Visconti period, as we find it carved with his motto on a scroll held by one of the female figures placed on the sides of the equestrian statue of the sarcophagus of Bernabo Visconti already in S. Giovanni in Conca and now kept in a room in the castle of Milan; this undertaking is linked to the singular figure of Bernabo Visconti, who was surely the most passionate hunter of all the principles of his family, so much so that for his hunting preference, in particular for the wild boar, he had a large crowd of five thousand dogs, entrusted in custody to that part of his subjects who had an estimate of at least five hundred imperial lire. All those who kept one of these dogs were obliged, twice a month, to have it checked, and as Bernardino Corio reports in the History of Milan "in order to find macri [? no translation], they were charged with large sums of money, and if they were rich, blaming them for too much, they were similarly beaten; if they [dogs] died he took it all; and the officials of the hounds were more feared than the praetors of the lands." The celestial hand, emerging from a nimbus, which accompanies the dog (greyhound of “leviere”[? a different dog breed]) seated under the pine, and generally placed high on the right of the beholder, and sometimes he holds the dog by the leash and twisted around the pine stem. The impresa is associated with the Quietum Nemo Impune Lacesset ("no one will ignore peace with impunity"); "Even if at rest no one will tie him with impunity"; "No one will cause peace"), a motto that can be reflected in the saying "do not tease the sleeping dog" [let sleeping dogs lie].

This undertaking, with an explicit meaning and aided by the clear motto, was dear to Francesco I Sforza, who thus warned that, by not harassing anyone, he could not bear to give it to him, being ready otherwise to react to the provocation

In the main altarpiece of the Sigismondo Abbey in Cremona, by Giulio Campi, the Duke Francesco I Sforza and Bianca Maria Visconti are represented: here their wedding was celebrated on 25 October 1441; the choice of this church at the time in the open countryside was dictated by a precautionary measure decided by the spouse afraid of some plot by the treacherous father of the bride Filippo Maria Visconti, third duke and last representative of the Visconti lordship over Milan. The valuable painting, in addition to representing a historical fact, is an important document for the heraldist, since in the military day of Francesco I Sforza the impresa of the dog sitting on the pine tree and with a heavenly hand was finely embroidered, an enterprise quartered with that of the wave.
(2000: 39-40, my tweaked machine translation).
I have long suspected the PMB Just and Fortitude trumps - both virtues featuring an armored man like Bernardo Visconti, who is flanked by only those two virtues - referenced this equestrian statue; the fact that Sforza took the dog impresa from this statue's Fortitude (on that flanking virtue's scroll - see further below) and from nowhere else, confirms the importance of this statue for Sforza. Ross's identification of the d'Abano astrological degree decan behind the Fortitude motif - the 26th degree of Libra as "Victor Belli", The Victor in War. - merely underscores that Sforza is using it beating an enemy (the lion must be a symbol of the enemy: Venice, symbolized by the lion of St. Mark).

What is interesting is that F. Sforza was depicted in this impresa in his wedding church - does that echo the symbolism of the CY love trump, which also features a greyhound? What is clearly wrong in that late painting, however, is showing the dog with the collar on. What Maspoli might have mentioned is the large format depiction of this impresa opens up the astrological workde Sphaera produced for Sforza during his lifetime. What is interesting is how the umbrella pine so perfectly matches the shape of the matrimonial tent in the CY Love card, also featuring a white greyhound, at the base of the pole/tree in each case:
Image

And what of the Del Maino? The greyhound was their stemma, per the Stemmario Trivulziano (Mayno there) produced under Sforza. The greyhound in the CY Love card wears a collar as does the Del Maino dog - something never done with Sforza's impresa, although it is shown on Bernado's equestrian statue prototype with a collar. Sforza's court then invented a more menacing version of the impresa - unleashed and ready for vengeance (in keeping with the violently active portrayal of Fortitude in the PMB) . It took me a good deal of searching but I finally found an image of the faintly inscribed (like a cartoon) dog under a pine on Fortitude’s scroll, on a webpage dedicated to the restoration efforts regarding this statue: https://www.nicolarestauri.org/en/rest ... sconti-165

We then have the possibility that the greyhound in the CY Love is not random "filler", but speaks to the bride's own lineage, maternally descended from an important Milanese family, that went back to the time of Bernardo Visconti (and as Ross noticed, at least among the duchy’s Consiglio Generale or Consiglio dei Novecento ...and certainly important enough to participate in a coup of sorts in the assassination of Giovanni Maria). Whether Bernardo loaned the use of the greyhound impresa to the Del Maino is unknown, but that would be similar to the loaned use of the three ring device among the d'Este, Sforza, Borromeo and Medici, also with variations. In that context note that the singular ring originally allowed for use by Muzio Sforza is held by the dragon-old man (Saturn/time, in connection with a remembrance of the father?) to the right of the dog/pine motif on the de sphaera illumination. Aware of the dog at least since his wedding to a Visconti-Del Maino, once Sforza took Milan he presumably adopted the impresa for himself, connecting himself to the illustrious and most feared militant of all the Visocnti – Bernardo – a connection his wife’s family already had. I would also note if the greyhound in the CY Love card is a reference to Bianca's maternal Del Maino relations' heraldic identifier (naturally below the Visconti biscione pennants flying above, as does Pavia's stemma to which the Del Maino helped Sforza to), the faithful Del Maino dog is leading Sforza to the bride (and the dog is not "rampant" as on their stemma, as that would of course been uncouth for a dog to be leaping onto a bride). As a heraldic symbol, the dog would have had a double entendre meaning for Sfora, as it were.

Below, the Mayno stemma in the Stemmario, details of the dog from the CY love and Bernardo's impresa upon Fortitude’s scroll from his equestrian statue.

Image
Phaeded
Last edited by Phaeded on 31 Mar 2020, 21:47, edited 7 times in total.

Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

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Phaeded wrote: 31 Mar 2020, 07:54
Di nobile famiglia lombarda, bella di aspetto, e di qualche cultura, la M. divenne, secondo Biglia con la violenza, amante del duca di Milano Filippo Maria Visconti. (Federica di Cengarle - Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 67, 2006)
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/agn ... ografico)/
I'd really appreciate your help in getting at the most accurate translation here, as that appears to bear indirectly on the question at hand. My tweaked machine translation of the bold has this: "then, according to Biglia with violence, a lover of the Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti." Why violence? To my mind, there are two options here: 1) she was taken from her family, perhaps at too young an age; or 2), Cengarle has somehow botched an Italian idiom for "violent love", or "passionate love" (which in English, has strong sexual overtones at all events). A comma separates violenza from amante which would seem to negate option 2, and it seems one would render "violent love" as amore violento, but perhaps I'm simply missing something obvious here. Maybe I'll just ping Cengarle via Academia.edu.
The word is "vis" and you can translate it with as much force as you think it requires. I think "violence" is too strong. Biglia is merely repeating what he has heard - a valuable witness, but not an eyewitness or insider. It comes from the Rerum Mediolanensium Historiae of Andrea Biglia (Andreas Billius, c. 1395-1435), which was first published by Ludovico Muratori in Rerum italicarum scriptores, volume XIX, 1731, columns 51-52. Cengarle cites this reference in her bibliography, which is where I found it (Fossati also cites it, as well as a lot of other things).

Biglia left Milan in late 1412 or early 1413, and never returned, and he was not a witness to anything he reports here.*
*Note - I have learned that he did briefly return to Milan, between October 1428 and late summer 1429. For a full biography of Andrea Biglia, see pages 129-131 of Joseph Cletus Schnaulbelt (1931-2013) O.S.A. (Order of Saint Augustine), "Andrea Biglia (c. 1394-1435). His life and writings." Augustiniana Vol. 43, No. 1/2 (1993), pp. 103-160
https://www.jstor.org/stable/44992572?r ... b_contents
From this you will see that Biglia was very pro-Visconti and in favor of Filippo Maria's policies, so his criticism is tempered. He was no Cavalcanti.

I cited Cengarle's 2006 biography of Agnes a few days ago -

viewtopic.php?f=11&t=1422&start=160#p21833
I looked up what Fossati had to say about Agnese. For her year of birth, some improbably give as 1411, but the most recent, Federica Cengarle in Dizionario biografico degli italiani 2006 says only “primi anni del XV secolo.” (early years of the 15th century) http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/agn ... Biografico  I think Cengarle is a reliable source on this.

Fossati's long note on Agnese spans pages 219-222 (note 1), also gives no year of birth, or even speculates.
Fossati summary (p. 219 - https://books.google.fr/books?id=zHUtAQ ... 22&f=false ) –

Billia informa che con la Maino il Visconti si diede a vivere poco dopo il supplizio di Beatrice: non sapiamo se abbian ragione tutti, convenendo distinguere il primo periodo della passione dal successivo della convivenza. A questa pare che Agnese s'arrendesse unicamente perché costretta: è incerto se proprio debbasi chiamar pellicem una nobilem puellam che vim potius perpessa ad consuetudinem deducta est.

"Biglia says that Visconti went to live with del Maino shortly after Beatrice's execution: we do not know if he is entirely right, as we should distinguish the first period of passion from the following one of their living together. It seems that Agnese surrendered only because she was forced to do so: it is not clear whether we should really call “mistress” a noble girl that rather (potiùs), steadfastly resisted (perpessa) the force (vim) by which she was led (deducta est) into a relationship (ad consuetudinem)."
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Re: What are the documents for Marziano's dates?

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Ross G. R. Caldwell wrote: 31 Mar 2020, 21:15 Fossati summary (p. 219 - https://books.google.fr/books?id=zHUtAQ ... 22&f=false ) –

Billia informa che con la Maino il Visconti si diede a vivere poco dopo il supplizio di Beatrice: non sapiamo se abbian ragione tutti, convenendo distinguere il primo periodo della passione dal successivo della convivenza. A questa pare che Agnese s'arrendesse unicamente perché costretta: è incerto se proprio debbasi chiamar pellicem una nobilem puellam che vim potius perpessa ad consuetudinem deducta est.

"Biglia says that Visconti went to live with del Maino shortly after Beatrice's execution: we do not know if he is entirely right, as we should distinguish the first period of passion from the following one of their living together. It seems that Agnese surrendered only because she was forced to do so: it is not clear whether we should really call “mistress” a noble girl that rather (potiùs), steadfastly resisted (perpessa) the force (vim) by which she was led (deducta est) into a relationship (ad consuetudinem).
Many thanks for clarifying this Ross (I already went off in another direction - see my "stemma/impresa" post immediately above your reply, and note the S. Agnese nunnery connection to the Del Maino). I have to say this does continue to lead me to compare Agnese with Marziano's Daphne: "steadfastly resisted (perpessa) the force (vim) by which she was led (deducta est) into a relationship (ad consuetudinem)." Her virtue was known well enough to come down to us.

At all events, it is rather shocking - at least to me - to learn that Filippo, otherwise devoted to his brother's memory (even cherishing a painting of him), finding the love of his life from the family that participated in his brother's assassination (whether the specific cadet branch or not, we all know clan-ish these families were generally regarded). Did he take her because he was specifically looking for a Del Maino, in order to punish them further?

I did reach out to Cengarle via Academia.edu, but she really doesn't it use it much like Covini does, so I'll try her as well even though she did not write the DGI entry. Since they are both women it seems that have taken more interest in Agnese/Bianca than most scholars have, in keeping with trending gender studies, etc. At all events, there must at least be an educated guess as to Agnese's birth year.

Thanks again,
Phaeded