The Day the Renaissance Was Saved: The Battle of Anghiari and da Vinci's Lost Masterpiece, (11/15), by Niccolo Capponi (Author), Andre Naffis-Sahely (Translator) http://www.amazon.com/The-Day-Renaissan ... 1612194605
This work discusses art but is much more of a detailed account of Florentine political events from the beginning of the quattrocento until the deaths of Cosimo and F. Sforza, with obviously an extended discussion of the Anghiari campaign.
Interestingly enough Capponi is descended from one of the two Florentine war commissioners present at the battle, Neri Capponi. I’ve gleaned precious info about the other commissioner, Bernadetto de' Medici, from John Spencer’s Andrea del Castagno and His Patrons (1991: 15-25), so Capponi is a great supplement, especially as he cites liberally from Neri’s Commentari not available in English translation.
I didn’t expect much new here with Capponi’s work, but there is certainly information not broached on this message board, including references in his bibliography that I, at least, have previously overlooked.
M.ATTENDOLO’s COMPANY. There is the possibility that Giusti was following a precedent in giving tarot to a (renewed) Florentine condottiero ally in Malatesta, so it makes sense to look for any references in the major force at Anghiari paid for by Venice; p. 260 notes: “The Archivo della Fraternita deo Laici di Arezzo holds all of Antonio di Viviano’s document, and he was the chief clerk of Micheletto Attendolo’s mercenary company. One should consult A. Antoniella’s L’archivio della Fraternita dei laici di Arezzo (Scandicci: La Nuova Italia, 1985, 2 vols.).” Orsini and Trevisan are of course the other possible recipients (and Trevisan seems to have had a commemorative medal made celebrating the victory) in addition to Attendolo’s cousin, F. Sforza (but pre-ducal records of Sforza are scarce).
BOLOGNA. Perhaps this throws light on the diffusion of tarot from Milan to Bologna: “For Milan’s occupation of Bologna, M. Longhi’s ‘Niccolo Piccinino in Bologna 1438-1443’ in Atti e memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Province di Romagna, 1905-1906, vol xxiv, pp 145-338 and 461-507; 1906-07, vol. xxv, pp. 109-62 and 273-377.”
SFORZA/BIANCA WEDDING. “Francesco Sforza’s marriage to Bianca Maria Visconti is examined in M. Visiolo’s ‘Le nozze ducali del 1441. Documenti e iconogafia,’ in Artes, 2004, a. 12, pp. 43-52.
THREE ECCLESIASTICAL ANGHIARI CELEBRATIONS. In addition to Trevisan being raised to the cardinalate on 7-1-1440, the gifts and offers of knighthood meted out to Benardetto and Neri, and the famous hanged men frescoes on the walls of the Palazzo del Podestà by Andrea degli Impiccati Castagno, these church-related celebrations were unknown to me: pp. 219-221: “Well aware of the role the Almighty had played in securing their victory, the Commune of Florence decided that each year the Signoria, the Collegi and ther captains of the Guelph Party would make a pilgrimage of gratitude at the church of San Pier Maggiore [destroyed in the 18th C., but had surviving works of art in it such as this painting for Palmieri: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assumptio ... Virgin.jpg , with a landscape of the Mugello such as one finds in the CY “World” trump], one of the most ancient religious buildings in the city and a powerful Benedictine monastery, where every bishop who took possession of the Florentine Diocese was symbolically wed to the Mother Superior in an elaborate ceremony to demonstrate his union with the ecclesiastical community of Florence….Because of a devotee of the Carmelite Andrea Corsini, a bishop of Fiesole who’d died in 1373, had a vision a few days before the battle that the dead prelate had foretold the campaign’s successful outcome, it was decreed that the Signoria would visit the Church of Santa Maria del Carmine [famous as the location of the Brancacci Chapel housing the frescoes by Masaccio and Masolino] on every anniversary of the battle to pay their respects to Corsini’s remains, which were housed in the church. Given the Carmelite’s miraculous intervention in the allies’ triumph, Eugenius IV beatified the bishop and Filippo Lippi was commissioned to decorate Corsini’s reliquary….After serving the spiritual panem, the Commune also provided for the circenses by holding a palio that involved riderless wild horses for the Feast of St. John. This race of barberi would be a feature of Florentine life until 1858, but by then its origins had long been consigned to the dustbin of history.” [the St. John feast came before the battle so perhaps this was a follow-up thanksgiving for St. John or occurred on subsequent years during the Feast proper]
p. 273: “For all aspects of the battle of Anghiari and the cult of St. Andrea Corsini associated with it, see G. Ciappelli’s un santo alla battaglia di Anghiari. La ‘Vita e il culto di Andrea Corsini nella Firenze del Rinascimento (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007).
Finally, this pre-battle political context of Florence bolsters my own theory of why the Florentine ur-tarot was created at this time. Following Vitelleschi’s death/murder (the previous papal commander) on 4/2/1440, attributed to Medici’s Henchman, Luca Pitti, and the defection of Malatesta to Visconti, there was a vacuum of clear military leadership in Florence where the Pope was still residing. It was especially acute with Venice keeping Sforza in Lombardy to protect their terrafirma possessions and his own March of Ancona (so they sent Attendolo). Per Capponi, pp. 156-57:
Phaeded“The danger of popular uprisings was very real, so much so that some individuals in the Medici faction were pushing for the immediate arrest of all those deemed politically suspect, but there were many Florentines who instead argued that there was a need to allow the exiled Albizzi to return to the city, in the hopes that this would convince Piccinino to withdraw. There was also much uncertainty over the reliability of the troops defending Florence; Orsini himself was considered by many to be a potential traitor, in light of his recent behavior. At the height of the crisis, Cosimo de’ Medici declared that he was willing to opt for life in exile for the good of his birthplace. His offer was rejected, but the situation was serious enough for Neri Capponi to order Orsini to have a cavalry unit ready to escort Cosimo to a safe location. Despite the internal pressures, the Medici regime was nevertheless determined to resist to the bitter end, and it began a propaganda campaign to restore its followers’ confidence.”