The word in question that comes right after Carafa’s name and gives his title is scutifer,
which is simply a page or squire (according to this webpage, https://www.wordnik.com/words/scutifer
: “A shield-bearer; one who bears the shield of his master; a sort of squire; also, a person entitled to a shield (that is, to armorial bearing”). Again, Venice used only its own patricians, especially for sensitive issues of war, not foreign squires.
Well, I saw the translation possibility "knight", which sounds logical, if I consider Scipio Carafa as son of Galeotto and grand son of Andrea, as part of the family which controlled some Northern passes in the Abruzzi. It's not clear, if Naples already controlled this region already in 1442.
About Isernia (which is South of the region) I read in Italian wiki ...
Dopo vari passaggi di proprietà della città tra un feudatario ed un altro, nel 1519 fu annessa da Carlo V al Regno di Napoli
... which possibly means, that Isernia (and possibly also the Northern regions of it) in 1442 had a somewhat independent state.
The note about Scipio as lord of Pascarola near Naples gives the idea, that Scipio (possibly different to his family in the Abruzzi) had some closer relation to one of the rulers of Naples, maybe to Anjou or to Aragon. The interest of Scipio to surprise Isabella of Lorraine with a nice card deck in 1448/1449 gives to me the idea, that, independent from the other French document, there was a relation to Anjou and not to Aragon. And it is clear, that Scipio came from the Provence.
It's clear, that Cossa had some relation to Marcello, and Giovanni Cossa, better known as Jean Cossa, had a clear positive relation to Renee d'Anjou and a clear political position pro-Anjou and contra-Aragon. From the condition, that Marcello knows both, Cossa and Scipio, it seems logical, that Cossa and Scipio Carafa were part of the same political party.
Scipio might have come to Venice as a common fugitive of some personal trouble in the Naples region, trouble which was felt not only by him but also by others, who were discontent with the Aragon regime. Possibly he simply needed some financial help.
The biography of Alfonso reports rebellions of the aristocraty in the kingdom in Naples for 1444 and 1446. Also it's reported, that Alfonso took Sardinia in 1446, something, which might have alarmed the French court. Alfonso was also interested in the Eastern coast of the Balkan, he had a relation to Skanderbeg (what should have been of interest for the Venetian conditions. Generally Alfonso behaved expansive ...
Spring - Trough Ragusan diplomats Skanderbeg requested help from the Pope and Kingdom of Hungary to struggle against the Ottomans.
September 27 — Skanderbeg was victorious in the Battle of Otonetë (north of Debar, Macedonia).
Gjergj Arianiti allied with the Kingdom of Naples.
Skanderbeg claimed to Venice all their towns which were pronoia of murdered Lekë Zaharia Altisferi (Dagnum, Drivast, Sati, Gladri and Dushmani) and also Drivast because it belonged to Serbian Despotate before Venice captured it.
To reinforce his intention of gaining control of the former domains of Zeta, Skanderbeg proclaimed himself the heir of the Balšići.
Venice refused Skanderbeg's claim and offered him 1,000 ducats to lay aside all claims.
Skanderbeg refused Venetian offer.
Đurađ Branković, Ottoman vassal and lord of Serbian Despotate, promised to help Skanderbeg to fight against the Venetian Republic.
Skanderbeg was seduced by Alfonso V into making a war against Venice.
Skanderbeg attacked Durrës.
Skanderbeg failed to capture Venetian towns Bar and Ulcinj after unsuccessful attacks he conducted on behalf of the Kingdom of Naples together with forces of Serbian Despotate led by Đurađ Branković and forces of Principality of Zeta led by Stefan Crnojević.
December - Skanderbeg besieged Dagnum, but failed to capture it.
December - Skanderbeg's forces reconstructed Baleč fortress and established a garrison of 2,000 men in it with Marin Span as its commander
December - Venetian forces (led also by Andrija and Kojčin Humoj, together with Simeon Vulkata) drove away Skanderbeg's forces from Baleč garrison.
December - Skanderbeg plundered area around Durrës.
March 4 - The Venetian Empire offered a life pension of 100 golden ducats annually for the person who would kill Skanderbeg.
Skanderbeg sent a detachment of his troops to the rural areas of the Kingdom of Naples to suppress a rebellion against Alfonso V. Many of them settled there.
It may be assumed, that Venice knew about Alfonso's larger interests already in 1446.
For Scipio ...
The Venetian might have found it convenient to send him with a message to the French court, whereby the major message might have been, that Venice as a true friend supported Renee d'Anjou for the throne of Naples, and that France shouldn't follow a contract between France and Milan, cause Milan had shown interest to enlarge the territiry of Aragon (with Alfonso as heir of Filippo Maria Visconti), what shouldn't be in the interest of France. A clear relation to the recent attack on Cremona and the upcoming new Venetia-Milanese war.
This situation might have easily caused the confusion in the later French interpretation, that Carafa was a Venetian ambassadore ... what he wasn't. He (possibly) was just a Naples fugitive, who searched the team, with which he could fight for his interest. Perhaps Venice just gave him some money to arrive at France. A "cheap" diplomat. Just offered as a useful servant for the French/Provence court. The French king likely passed him to Renee d'Anjou, who was engaged to develop a knight order, which might be of use in the quest of Naples.
But why rely on the French perception of who Carafa was? Unlike Naples, for instance, where many of the historical records were blown up by the Germans at the end of WWII, the records exist in Venice – so where is Carafa in these records in regard to a diplomatic mission? The context in which Carafa appears is the Venetian war against Visconti Milan that began in 1446; Venice needed to feel out King Charles VII of France’s position on the spoils that might be made of the Lombard duchy (e.g., his son, Duke of Orleans, wants Piedmont). Considering Alfonso is named as the heir, of course he must have sent someone to Venice (presumably Scipio Carafa) to ferret out what was going on. Carafa in turn then travels with the Venetian delegation to Charles VII. In that context it would have been easy for a French writer to mislabel Carafa, an Italian, as “of Venice”, de la Serenissime Republique..
As above described, I see here another context.
Another Neapolitan was loyal to Rene (Cossa), so naturally for the sake of “counter-intelligence” on the part of the Neapolitan envoy loyal to Alfonso (Carafa), after he leaves the Venetian delegation to the King he tries to gather information from Rene’s court, presided over at that time by Rene’s wife, Isabelle (to ascertain on the all-important question on whether her husband was intent on invading Naples). From Isabelle he continues on to the camp in Milan where Cossa already was (no reason to reject Carafa because at this point Naples is at war with no one, but had been in league with Venice while Visconti was alive … but Carafa’s original mission no longer has a reason for being, hence him headed home, south for Naples, via Milan).
I don't get, what you write here. There was in August 1447 an Aragonese garnison in Milan to claim the rights of Alfonso in the case of death of Filippo.
And I've difficulties to understand, that "Naples is at war with no one" ... when? And when Naples was in league in Venice, when Vsconti was alive? It should have been in 1446-47 ... What shall then the Aragonese garnison in Milan?
I don't find a clear date, when Alfonso was officially declared as heir ...
1447 14 agosto
Antonio Trivulzio, Teodoro Bossi, Giorgio Lampugnano e Innocenzo Cotta convocano il popolo nell'Arengo. Viene proclamata la Repubblica Ambrosiana. Fra i provvedimenti immediati c'è la costituzione di una commissione di "Deputati sopra le provvisioni dei poveri", che promulga il decreto "Pro hospitalibus et pauperia alogiandi". Viene scacciata la piccola guarnigione aragonese che teneva il castello rivendicando la successione di Alfonso V. I sostenitori della successione aragonese vengono chiamati "bracceschi" per la presenza tra loro di molti capitani che avevano militato con Niccolò Piccinino, erede della tradizione militare di Braccio da Montone.
Clearly Scipio is not allied with fellow Neapolitan Cossa or he would have been Rene/Isabelle’s agent – not a first-time visitor sharing initial impressions of that court. A Neapolitan in Rene’s retinue makes sense – he once controlled Naples and had his local allies, just as Alfonso had in the Carafa. A Neapolitan highly placed within Venice’s government makes no historical sense.
In these months, together with Rene’s intimate, the Neapolitan Giovanni Cossa (who had been pursuing the King’s interest in in Italy since 1447), Marcello and Sforza stood outside Milan. Apparently they succeeded in raiding that city, or at least in procuring through willing intermediacies [see my auction theory] from among the Visconti spoils a set of illuminated playing cards which Marcello dispatched to Isabelle of Lorraine, wife of the Angevin king. Rene, in turn, looked to Marcello and Sforza for Venetian support in his quest to regain the Neapolitan throne.” (King, 110).
We know only a few things about Scipio Carafa, and you make it your confession "Clearly
Scipio is not allied with fellow Neapolitan Cossa" ... nothing is clear about Scipio Carafa. We have a rather vague note about the ambassadore Scipio Carafa in France, which we even can't read, some not totally reliable genealogical data, where it is even not clear, if it is the same Scipio, and the appearance of Scipio Carafa and Giovanni Cossa in a letter of Marcello.
Somehow I don't understand, how your mind works. The most plausible solution is indeed, that Cossa and Scipio Carafa are connected and part of the same political party. King can add in this question nothing, which we don't know better (it isn't plausible, that she knew this letter or - if she knew it - if she was interested in the book of Martiano). If King knew another document about Scipio Carafa, that would be nice, if we wold know about it.
If you want to persist in trying to understand why Carafa was in Venice and then France, see Paul Perret, Histoire des relationes de la France avec Venise du XIII siècle a l’avenement de Charles VII.
2 vols. Paris: H. Weltier. Better yet, dig into the Venetian archives.
Interesting source. Why don't you give a direct link in such cases ...
https://archive.org/stream/histoiredesr ... 2/mode/2up
... but I found nothing, what helps in this matter.
The primary issue, however, that concerns the cards is why did Marcello send them to Isabelle in 1449 after Venice had broken with Sforza? That answer is clear – and backed up by King in regard to explaining the same reason Marcello sent the other illuminated manuscripts to Rene – to try to keep Rene from joining Sforza, against Venice. Even if Scipio was somehow a Venetian agent reporting to Marcello, that does not alter the fundamental nature of the gift – it was a diplomatic gesture aimed at keeping Rene neutral.
Marcello writes a long story, how he found the book in the interest to get a present for Isabelle. I assume, that this story is true.
Naturally I can imagine, that the whole story is invented by Marcello and I can replace it with "Marcello found the cards by lucky accident, and then considered it a good investment to send it to Isabelle to get a desired political result at a specific moment, which was given in November 1449."
But Marcello offers a witness to his story: Scipio Carafa, and it would be likely possible, that Isabella could ask Scipio about it. So Marcello's forgery wouldn't be sure to be not detected.
Further Marcello has a second piece of evidence for his story: the other cards which Scipio Carafa saw.
I think, you're overstretching the situation with your interpretation. Venice thought in November, that Sforza couldn't attack Milan. And they tried to present the case against Sforza, as if they hadn't broken their contract.
Milan thought, that Sforza couldn't attack, they made a big peace trionfo in November. It sounds, as if everybody besides Sforza thought, that Sforza couldn't attack.
Sforza attacked around Christmas 1449 (so long enough after November 1449) and everybody was surprized. So I've read it variously.
As far I got it (just in my memory), there was a disturbance between Venetian Senate and Marcello. Marcello didn't agree, how Sforza was treated (so said in a later poem by the Hungarian poet in Ferrara). He went to Monselice, and Venice expected him to be somewhere else. Is my memory wrong?
Looking through your source (Paul Perret) again, I find these pages interesting ...
After the battle at Caravaggio (big loss for Venice, big win for Sforza, commissioned by the Ambrosian republic) tried to engage the duke of Orleans.
Sforza and Venice agree on peace between themselves and on war against the Ambrosian republic. The duc of Orleans is disappointed. The Ambrosian republic gets close to Alphonso.
Here's the letter exchange between Sforza and Renee mentioned, the letter of 24 February 1449 we already discussed. The starting letter of the communication by Rene happened "end of the year 1448", and it was brought by Honoratus de Berre, one of Rene's knights (there's a long time between answer and reply and it might be, that there were 2 other letters between, especially as the details of the letter at end of the year 1448 seem to have been lost) .
Before, at 13 November 1448 Rene had written 3 conspirative letters in matters of Naples. The letter to Sforza seems to have expressed a request for military help.
In my general assumption about the time of Scipio Carafa in the soldier camp I'd thought, that it must have happened in March/April 1449, with the answer from Rene on the request of Marcello (which was transported by Sforza's letter.
However, after some reflection I think it's also possible, that Scipio Carafa arrived already before Sforza wrote his letter, and before Marcello engaged to become Rene's friend. Maybe the first Rene-letter (end of 1448) had caused Marcello's special interest, maybe, that the idea with the playing card deck to win the heart of Isabelle was already born before Sforza's letter at 24 February. In this case Scipio Carafa might have accompanied Honorat de Berre.
This gives some dates connected to Giovanni Cossa.